Variations in wartime rape

Why You Need This New Edition This new edition has been thoroughly updated and revised to take into account many new and significant studies by sociologists, criminologists, and other behavioral scientists. Here is a sampling of some of the new information you will find:

1. New research on self-injury exploring common reasons given and issues of conceptualization.

2. Updated research on campus, marital, prison, and acquaintance rape.

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3. A recent study suggesting that the perpetrators of murder-suicide kill their victims as a way of demonstrating their dominance or control over them.

4. New statistics showing many more billions of dollars being spent on drug law enforcement than on prevention and treatment.

Here are just a few of the current, high- interest topics examined in this new edition:

1. The search for the causes of high- profile school shootings.

2. The essence of mass murder, which is often committed by extraordinarily ordinary rather than emotionally disturbed people, illustrated by a discussion about a young suicide bomber killing and wounding many students before he is shot dead.

3. Variations in wartime rape.

4. The increasing numbers of teenagers today who turn to oral sex because they don’t consider it real sex, although they engage in it with only one partner rather than many.

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Alex Thio Ohio University

Jim D. Taylor Ohio University Zanesville

Martin D. Schwartz George Washington University

Deviant Behavior

E L E V E N T H E D I T I O N

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Thio, Alex. Deviant behavior / Alex Thio, Jim D. Taylor, Martin D. Schwartz. —11th ed. p. cm. ISBN-13: 978-0-205-20516-5 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-205-20516-X (alk. paper) 1. Deviant behavior. I. Taylor, Jim D., 1973- II. Schwartz, Martin D. III. Title. HM811.T46 2013 302.5’42—dc23

2012020318

ISBN 10: 0-205-20516-X ISBN 13: 978-0-205-20516-5

10 9 8 7 6 5 4

B R I E F C O N T E N T S

P A R T O N E Perspectives and Theories 1

1 What Is Deviant Behavior? 2 2 Positivist Theories 16 3 Constructionist Theories 34 P A R T T W O Interpersonal Violence 55

4 Physical Violence 56 5 Rape and Child Molestation 86 6 Family Violence 116 P A R T T H R E E Self-Destructive Deviance 141

7 Suicide 142 8 Mental Disorder 178 P A R T F O U R Diverse Lifestyles 213

9 Heterosexual Deviance 214 10 Gays and Other Targets of Stigma 246 11 Internet Deviance 278 P A R T F I V E Substance Use and Abuse 297

12 Drug Use 298 13 Drinking and Alcoholism 330 P A R T S I X Inequality in Deviance 361

14 Privileged Deviance 362 15 Underprivileged Deviance 392

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vii

C O N T E N T S

Preface xv

About the Authors xxi

P A R T O N E Perspectives and Theories 1

1 What Is Deviant Behavior? 2 Conflicting Definitions 3

The Positivist Perspective 4 Absolutism: Deviance as

Absolutely Real 4 Objectivism: Deviance as an

Observable Object 5 Determinism: Deviance as Determined

Behavior 6

The Constructionist Perspective 7 Relativism: Deviance as a Label 7 Subjectivism: Deviance as a Subjective

Experience 8 Voluntarism: Deviance as a Voluntary

Act 9

An Integrated View 10

A Word About Deviance and Crime 13

Summary 14

Further Reading 412

Critical Thinking Questions 413

Internet Resources 414

References 415

Name Index 453

Subject Index 463

This new edition of Deviant Behavior is designed to make teaching and learning as inter- esting and rewarding as possible. Deviant behavior is already by itself an exciting subject, but we have tried to make it more exciting with a simple style of writing. No matter how complex and dry the theories and data about deviance may appear in scholarly journals and books, they are here presented simply, yet accurately. In addition, stimulating, ironic, and thought-provoking remarks are often thrown in to make the book come alive. We have enjoyed working on this edition, and we hope that students will have fun reading it while learning about deviance.

Features

The current edition retains all the features that have made the book a success. These fea- tures include comprehensive coverage, lively writing, real-life vignettes, student-oriented illustrations, and critical analyses of theories and data. Also unique to this text are the sections on social profile and global perspective in all the chapters on specific forms of deviant behavior. The social profile sections spotlight certain groups of deviants, such as serial killers, suicide bombers, depressed teens, swinging couples, college binge drinkers, and corporate crooks. The sections on global perspective—a critically important approach in the globalization of our lives and society today—compare specific deviances in the United States with those in other parts of the world. Examples of these deviances are fam- ily violence, mental disorder, prostitution, homophobia, smoking, and official corruption. Another unique feature of this text is a list of myths and realities at the opening of each of the behavior chapters. Perhaps the most important feature is the blend of style and sub- stance that runs through all the chapters.

A wide spectrum of theories and specific deviant behaviors is analyzed here. In addition to covering all the standard subjects, we have dealt with many important and cur- rent topics, including feminism, postmodernism, shaming theory, and ethnography as well as such newly recognized deviances as Internet deviance, suicide bombing, female genital mutilation, risky teen sex, prescription drug abuse, and the stigma of obesity. We have also provided an abundance of research data, including a substantial amount that demolishes common assumptions about deviant behavior.

Students will be exposed to the full range of theories and data about deviance. More important, they will be challenged to think about and evaluate the preconceptions and biases they may have picked up from conventional society. In the chapter on gays and other victims of stigma, for example, students will learn that homosexuals, trans- sexuals, intersexuals, transvestites, the obese, and the tattooed are definitely not weird and grotesque at all and that people with physical disabilities are far from helpless and pitiful.

P R E F A C E

xvi Preface

New to This Edition

This updated and revised text takes into account many significant and interesting new studies by sociologists and other behavioral scientists as well as suggestions and criticisms from the reviewers and adopters of this book. The most significant updates and revisions include the following:

■ Industry-Specific Internet Resources. This edition introduces a new section at the end of each chapter, intended to enhance the student and faculty learning environ- ment, by providing access to key industry-specific Internet resources (i.e., databases, think tanks, consortiums, and government and private agencies).

■ Social Explorer. New to this edition are a variety of social explorer activities, designed to engage students through the use of interactive maps that transition from the textbook to interactive classroom exercises. Each exercise is designed to engage students in the relevant material, while also demonstrating the practical applications of the data.

■ Chapter 1 (What Is Deviant Behavior?) opens with a new vignette about the odd behavior displayed by pop culture icon Charlie Sheen, while introducing students to the relative and socially constructed aspects of deviance.

■ Chapter 2 (Positivist Theories) includes update theory and research, new recom- mended readings, and updated critical thinking questions.

■ Chapter 3 (Constructionist Theories) opens with a new vignette about the increased influence of technology on social construction and deviance. This chapter includes updates to feminist theory and revisions to evaluating critical and conflict theory.

■ Chapter 4 (Physical Violence) includes updated data on homicide patterns and mass and serial murder, and suggested readings on global terrorism and school shootings.

■ Chapter 5 (Rape and Child Molestation) includes updated data on the rape survi- vor’s response, the culture of rape, and using women in masculinity contests.

■ Chapter 6 (Family Violence) includes new data on causes of marital rape on battered wives and theories of family violence.

■ Chapter 7 (Suicide) opens with a new vignette about bullied teen Phoebe Prince, whose victimization ultimately led to her unfortunate death. This chapter includes new research on self-injury, and military and suicide.

■ Chapter 8 (Mental Disorder) begins with a new vignette about actress and author Carrie Fisher, and her candid struggle with mental illness. It includes new data on social profiles of depressed teams, and the impact of war.

■ Chapter 9 (Heterosexual Deviance) opens with a new vignette on a New Orleans sex worker who taps into the network of “madams” called “the circuit,” and becomes one herself. It includes new data on U.S. pornography sales, the globalization of poverty, and research on oppression, empowerment, and polymorphous theories.

■ Chapter 10 (Gays and Other Victims of Stigma) includes new research in Sweden that finds a difference in brain structures between gays and straights and a recent study suggesting why heterosexual women with an AIDS-afflicted relative tend to engage in homoerotic activities. It also includes updated suggested readings.

■ Chapter 11 (Internet Deviance) begins with an updated vignette suggesting why online deviance is a very common problem. It includes updated research on varieties of cyber crime, causation, victimization, and social response.

Preface xvii

■ Chapter 12 (Drug Use) offers a new review of 30 studies in various countries indicating that drug users are much more likely than nonusers to commit a crime, new statistics showing many more billions of dollars being spent on drug law enforcement than on prevention and treatment, and a new survey indicating a relatively high rate of cigarette smoking among the very young—from age 12 to 17. Includes updates on extent of drug use, and important new developments with marijuana.

■ Chapter 13 (Drinking and Alcoholism) presents new conflicting studies on whether teenagers are more, or less, likely to binge drink when drinking with parents.

■ Chapter 14 (Privileged Deviance) begins with an updated vignette about a former Illinois Governor who illegally attempted to use his position as leverage to obtain higher political office. It includes updated research on applied theory and conceptu- alization, and updated data on popular forms of privileged deviance.

■ Chapter 15 (Underprivileged Deviance) opens with a new vignette about street gangs engaging in various underprivileged deviances. Also included is the new observation that robbers today are more likely to use a gun than before and why.

Pedagogy

Each chapter opens with a meaningful photo, a list of myths and realities, and a real-life vignette, not only to stimulate student interest but also to portray an important theme of the chapter. The summary of each chapter is laid out in a question-and-answer format to promote thinking as well as retention. The list of books for further reading is annotated to help students decide which publications will suit their need for more information. Finally, at the end of each chapter is a set of two questions designed to encourage students to think critically about the subject they have just studied.

Supplements

Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank (ISBN 0205205178)

The Instructor’s Manual includes chapter summaries; key concepts; suggestions for lectures, demonstrations, student activities, and research projects; annotated lists of films and videos; and additional resources pertinent to each chapter. The Test Bank portion of the manual offers multiple-choice, true/false, fill-in-the-blank, and essay questions. The Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank are available for download at www.pearsonhighered.com.

Computerized Test Bank (ISBN 0205205208)

The Test Bank is also available through Pearson’s new online test-generating program, MyTest. The user-friendly interface allows you to view, edit, and add questions; transfer questions to tests; and print tests. Search and sort features allow you to locate questions quickly and arrange them in whatever order you prefer.

xviii Preface

PowerPoint Lectures (ISBN 0205205194)

The PowerPoint slides feature lecture outlines for each chapter, and include many of the figures and tables from the text. The PowerPoints are available for download at www.pearsonhighered.com.

Readings in Deviant Behavior, Sixth Edition, compiled by Alex Thio, Thomas Calhoun, and Addrain Conyers, is available to supplement the text. This collection of read- ings represents the full range of deviance sociology, dealing with many different theories and data collected via different research methodologies.

Deviance Today, First Edition, by Thio, Calhoun, and Conyers, includes selections with high student appeal. All of the readings have been carefully edited for clarity and conciseness to ensure that students will find them easy and enjoyable to read while learning what deviance is all about. This book features articles written specifically for the text that reflects current trends, especially those dealing with noncriminal deviance as well as those that emphasize the constructionist perspective. Contact your publisher’s representative for more information.

MySearch Lab ™

www.mysearchlab.com

Save TIME. Improve Results.

MySearchLab is a dynamic website that delivers proven results in helping individual students succeed. Its wealth of resources provides engaging experiences that personalize, stimulate, and measure learning for each student. Many accessible tools will encourage students to read their text, improve writing skills, and help them improve their grade in their course.

Features of MySearchLab

Writing

■ Step by step tutorials present complete overviews of the research and writing process.

Research and citing sources

■ Instructors and students receive access to the EBSCO ContentSelect database, census data from Social Explorer, Associated Press news feeds, and the Pearson bookshelf. Pearson SourceCheck helps students and instructors monitor originality and avoid plagiarism.

Etext and more

■ Pearson eText—An e-book version of Deviant Behavior, 11e is included in MySearchLab. Just like the printed text, students can highlight and add their own notes as they read their interactive text online.

■ Primary Source [and/or Secondary] Documents—A collection of documents, organized by chapter, are available on MySearchLab. The documents include head notes and critical thinking questions.

■ Gradebook—Automated grading of quizzes helps both instructors and students monitor their results throughout the course.

Roy Austin, Pennsylvania State University Dodd Bogart, University of New Mexico Julie V. Brown, University of North Carolina,

Greensboro James T. Carey, University of Illinois, Chicago Brenda Chaney, Ohio State University Chris Cozzolino, Keiser University Steven R. Cureton, University of North Carolina,

Greensboro Phillip W. Davis, Georgia State University Walter S. DeKeseredy, University of Ontario

Institute of Technology Estelle Disch, Boston State College Jackie Eller, Middle Tennessee State University Raymond A. Eve, University of Texas

at Arlington Charles E. Frazier, University of Florida David O. Friedrichs, University of Scranton John R. Hepburn, Arizona State University Arthur C. Hill, Minneapolis Community

College Richard C. Hollinger, University of Florida Gary Jensen, Vanderbilt University Margaret S. Kelley, University of Oklahoma

Michael Kimmel, SUNY–Stony Brook Gang Lee, University of Texas–El Paso Hong Liu, University of Pittsburgh Ruth X. Liu, San Diego State University Scott Magnuson-Martinson, Normandale

Community College Charles H. McCaghy, Bowling Green State

University Karen E. B. McCue, University of New Mexico James Messerschmidt, University of Southern

Maine Joyce D. Meyer, Parkland College Eleanor M. Miller, University of Wisconsin,

Milwaukee James J. Nolan III, West Virginia University Michael Olson, Frostburg State University Michael P. Perez, California State University David Prok, Baldwin Wallace College Marion Sherman-Goldman, University of

Oregon Deanna Shields, Fairmont State College Steven Stack, Wayne State University Larry Stokes, University of Tennessee,

Chattanooga

Acknowledgments

We would like to express our profound gratitude to the numerous professors who have adopted the past ten editions of this book for their classes. Our thanks also go to those sociologists who have enhanced the quality of the earlier editions as well as the current one with their criticisms and suggestions, some of which were extensive and detailed. In particular, for this edition Ron Weitzer, David Friedrichs, Varya Zhigilei, and Walter S. DeKeseredy were most helpful.

Preface xix

xx Preface

Kenrick S. Thompson, Northern Michigan University

Gunnar Valgeirsson, California State University, Fresno

Jerry Van Hoy, Purdue University Timothy N. Veiders, Niagara County Community

College

Ron Weitzer, George Washington University J. D. Wemhaner, Tulsa Junior College Arthur L. Wood, University of Connecticut Varya Zhigilei, George Washington

University Anthony Zumpetta, West Chester

University.

Alex Thio Jim D. Taylor

Martin D. Schwartz

A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S

Alex Thio (pronounced TEE-oh), a sociology professor at Ohio University for over 30 years, unfortunately and quite unexpectedly passed away in May 2011. Although mostly known for his textbooks on deviance, introductory sociology, and social problems, with over a million copies in circulation worldwide, Prof. Thio also published a number of well-regarded research articles in a variety of professional journals.

Born of Chinese parentage in Penang, Malaysia, in 1937, his family later moved to Indonesia, where he attended high school. There his school brilliance came to the attention of missionaries, and he was sent to the United States to obtain his bachelor’s degree at Cen- tral Methodist University in Missouri. Later he did graduate work at Kent State University and received a doctorate in sociology from the State University of New York at Buffalo. He was hired in 1969 at Ohio University, where he taught hundreds of courses in devi- ance, introductory sociology, social problems, and criminology. In addition to teaching, he always enjoyed writing and was in his retirement an enthusiastic entrepreneur. Aside from this book, he is the author of the popular text Sociology: A Brief Introduction, Seventh Edition (2009), and with Jim D. Taylor, Social Problems (2011), along with several edited volumes. Alex dedicated his career to the advancement of the social sciences. His contribu- tion and legacy are indelible, and we are honored to continue to advance his body of work.

Jim D. Taylor is Assistant Professor of Sociology at Ohio University Zanesville. A native Texan, Dr. Taylor received his Ph.D. in sociology from the Ohio State University. A lifelong motorcycle rider and enthusiast, hack songwriter/guitarist, bull rider, and former skydiver, Dr. Taylor specializes in the sociology of masculinity, devi- ant behavior, and race relations. Dr. Taylor has published books on both American gun culture and social problems, as well as scholarly articles on the topics of stigma management and self-injury. His current research focuses on American rodeo cowboy culture and the intersections of rodeo sports, masculinities and music. Prior to working in academics, Dr. Taylor managed a corporate investigation team for the Wackenhut Corporation. In 2009, Dr. Taylor co-founded a charter school (The RCCS Everest Academy) in the greater Columbus, OH area, enrolling former high school dropouts. He continues to serve on the Board of Directors of the academy, and is proud to say that the academy has graduated its first few waves of former dropouts. In 2011, Dr. Taylor was awarded the title Alumni Ambassador to his undergraduate alma mater Texas A&M University-Commerce.

Martin D. Schwartz is Visiting Professor of Sociology at George Washington University, and Professor Emeritus at Ohio University, where he served two terms as chair. He is the 2008 Fellow of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, and has received distinguished scholar awards from the two largest divisions of the American Society of Criminology: Women and Crime, and Critical Criminology. At Ohio University he has been named Graduate Professor of the Year and Best Arts and Sciences Professor, and was the first social scientist to be awarded the university’s research achievement award, the title of

xxi

Presidential Research Scholar. He has written or edited (often with Walter S. DeKeseredy) 23 editions of 14 books, 70 journal articles and another 65 book chapters, government reports, and essays. He has been a visiting scholar at the University of Melbourne in Australia and the National Institute of Justice in Washington, DC, and guest lectured in Europe, Australia, Canada, and throughout the United States. A former co-editor of Criminal Justice, he has served on the editorial boards of 11 other professional journals, while doing manuscript reviews for some 65 journals. He also was co-editor on two edi- tions of the American Sociological Association’s publication Teaching the Sociology of Deviance.

xxii About the Authors

P A R T O N E

Perspectives and Theories

What Is Deviant Behavior?1

The bizarre behavior and personal life of pop culture icon and actor Charlie Sheen, the self-described “warlock” and “rock star from Mars,” generated a legitimate multimedia frenzy for the first half of 2011. Sheen, known for past relationships with prostitutes and porn stars, as well as implications of long-term recreational drug abuse and domestic vio- lence, was depicted as extreme—even by Sheen’s standards. Though several media fig- ures dismissed Sheen’s behavior as the ravings of an out-of-control drug addict, Sheen insisted that he was in control. He was “winning.” Sheen went so far as to imply that he was more demigod than mortal, when he publicly ranted that he “had tiger blood,” and “Adonis DNA.” His proof was his success. He had made it to the top of his profession, and achieved great wealth and fame. As for everyone else, well, in Sheen-speak, they were “trolls.” Sheen received a mass outpouring of public support, selling out a high-profile

C H A P T E R

C H A P T E R 1 / What Is Deviant Behavior? 3

comedy tour throughout North America. Was his behavior simply drug-related antics? Or maybe Sheen exhibited an acceptable amount of eccentricity and excess for a modern, pop culture icon? In other words, is Sheen a product of his generation, and a modern male with modern problems?

There is, in fact, a great deal of disagreement among people as to what they consider deviant. In a classic study, J. L. Simmons (1965) asked a sample of the general public who they thought was deviant. They mentioned 252 different kinds of people as deviants, including prostitutes, alcoholics, drug users, murderers, the mentally ill, the physically challenged, communists, atheists, liars, Democrats, Republicans, reckless drivers, self- pitiers, the retired, divorcees, Christians, suburbanites, movie stars, perpetual bridge play- ers, pacifists, psychiatrists, priests, liberals, conservatives, junior executives, smart-aleck students, and know-it-all professors. If you are surprised that some of these people are considered deviant, your surprise simply adds to the fact that there is a good deal of dis- agreement among the public as to what deviant behavior is.

A similar lack of consensus exists among sociologists. We could say that the study of deviant behavior is probably the most “deviant” of all the subjects in sociology. Sociologists disagree more over the definition of deviant behavior than they do on any other subject.

Conflicting Definitions

Some sociologists simply say that deviance is a violation of any social rule, while oth- ers argue that deviance involves more than rule violation—that it also has the quality of provoking disapproval, anger, or indignation. Some advocate a broader definition, arguing that a person can be a deviant without violating any rule, such as individuals with physical or mental disabilities. These people are considered deviant in this view because they are disvalued by society. By contrast, some sociologists contend that deviance does not have to be conceived as only negative but instead can also be positive, such as being a genius, saint, creative artist, or glamorous celebrity. Other sociologists disagree, considering “pos- itive deviance” to be an oxymoron, a contradiction in terms (Dodge, 1985; Goode, 1991; Harman, 1985; Heckert and Heckert, 2002).

All these sociologists apparently assume that, whether it is positive or negative, dis- turbing behavior or disvalued condition, deviance is real in and of itself, that is, endowed with a certain quality that distinguishes it from nondeviance. The logic behind this assumption is that if it is not real in the first place, it cannot be considered positive, nega- tive, disturbing, or devalued. But other sociologists disagree, arguing that deviance does not have to be real in order for behaviors and conditions to be labeled deviant. People can be falsely accused of being criminal, erroneously diagnosed as mentally ill, unfairly stereotyped as dangerous because of their skin color, and so on. Conversely, committing a deviant act does not necessarily make the person a deviant, especially when the act is kept secret, unlabeled by others as deviant. It is, therefore, the label “deviant”—not the act itself—that makes the individual deviant.

Some sociologists go beyond the notion of labeling to define deviance by stress- ing the importance of power. They observe that relatively powerful people are capable of

4 P A R T O N E / Perspectives and Theories

avoiding the fate suffered by the powerless—being falsely, erroneously, or unjustly labeled deviant. The key reason is that the powerful, either by themselves or through influenc- ing public opinion or both, hold more power against being labeled by others as deviants. In fact, they hold more power for labeling others’ behavior as deviant. Understandably, sociologists who hold this view define deviance as any act considered by the powerful at a given time and place to be a violation of some social rule. That’s why the powerless are said to be more likely than the powerful to engage in deviance (Ermann and Lundman, 2002; Simon, 2006).

From this welter of conflicting definitions we can discern the influence of two opposing perspectives: positivism and social constructionism. The positivist perspective is associated with the sciences, such as physics, chemistry, or biology. The constructionist perspective is fundamental in the humanities, such as art, language, or philosophy. Each perspective influences how scientists and scholars see, study, and make sense of their sub- ject. The two perspectives have long been transported into sociology, so that some sociolo- gists are more influenced by the positivist perspective while others are more influenced by the constructionist one.

In the sociology of deviance the positivist generally defines deviance as positively real, while the constructionist more often defines deviance as a social construction—an idea imputed by society to some behavior. Each perspective suggests other ideas about deviance, so that it has been referred to in various terms. Thus the positivist perspec- tive has also been called objectivist, absolutist, normative, determinist, and essentialist (Goode, 2005b; Wittig, 1990). The constructionist perspective has also been referred to by such terms as humanist, subjectivist, relativist, reactivist, definitionist, and postmodernist (Heckert and Heckert, 2002; Lyman, 1995). Each perspective suggests how to define devi- ance, but reveals through the definition what subject to study, what method to use for the study, and what kind of theory to use to make sense of the subject.

The Positivist Perspective

The positivist perspective consists of three assumptions about what deviant behavior is. These assumptions are known to positivists as absolutism, objectivism, and determinism.

Absolutism: Deviance as Absolutely Real

The positivist perspective holds deviance to be absolutely or intrinsically real, in that it possesses some qualities that distinguish it from conventionality. Similarly, deviant persons are assumed to have certain characteristics that make them different from con- ventional others. Thus, sociologists who are influenced by such a perspective tend to view deviant behavior as an attribute that inheres in the individual.

This view was first strongly held by the early criminologists who were the progeni- tors of today’s sociology of deviance. Around the turn of the last century, criminologists believed that criminals possessed certain biological traits that were absent in law-abiding people. The biological traits were believed to include defective genes, bumps on the head, a long lower jaw, a scanty beard, and a tough body build. Since all these traits are inherited,

C H A P T E R 1 / What Is Deviant Behavior? 5

criminals were believed to be born as such. Thus, if they were born criminals, they would always be criminals. As the saying goes, “If you’ve had it, you’ve had it.” So, no matter where they might go—they could go anywhere in the world—they would still be criminals.

Criminologists then shifted their attention from biological to psychological traits. Criminals were thought to have certain mental characteristics that noncriminals did not. More specifically, criminals were thought to be feebleminded, psychotic, neurotic, psychopathic, or otherwise mentally disturbed. Like biological traits, these mental character- istics were believed to reside within individual criminals. And like biological traits, mental characteristics were believed to stay with the criminals, no matter what society or culture they might go to. Again, wherever they went, criminals would always remain as criminals.

Today’s positivist sociologists, however, have largely abandoned the use of biologi- cal and psychological traits to differentiate criminals from noncriminals. They recognize the important role of social factors in determining a person’s status as a criminal. Such status does not remain the same across time and space; instead, it changes in different periods and with different societies. A polygamist may be a criminal in our society but a law-abiding citizen in Islamic countries. A person who sees things invisible to others may be a psychotic in our society but may become a spiritual leader among some South Pacific peoples. Nevertheless, positivist sociologists still regard deviance as absolutely or intrinsi- cally real. Countering the relativist notion of deviance as basically a label imposed on an act, positivist Travis Hirschi (1973), for example, argues,

The person may not have committed a ‘deviant’ act, but he did (in many cases) do some- thing. And it is just possible that what he did was a result of things that had happened to him in the past; it is also possible that the past in some inscrutable way remains with him and that if he were left alone he would do it again.

Moreover, countering the relativist notion of mental illness as a label imputed to some peo- ple’s behavior, Gwynn Nettler (1974) explicitly voices his absolutist stance: “Some people are more crazy than others; we can tell the difference; and calling lunacy a name does not cause it.” These positivist sociologists seem to say that just as a rose by any other name would smell as sweet, so deviance by any other label is just as real.

Because they consider deviance real, positivist sociologists tend to focus their study on deviant behavior and deviant persons, rather than on nondeviants who label others deviants, such as lawmakers and law enforcers, whom constructionist sociologists are more likely to study, as will be explained later.

Objectivism: Deviance as an Observable Object

To positivist sociologists deviant behavior is an observable object in that a deviant person is like an object, a real something that can be studied objectively. Positivist sociologists, therefore, assume that they can be as objective in studying deviance as natural scientists can be in studying physical phenomena. The trick is to treat deviants as if they were objects, like those studied by natural scientists. Nonetheless, positivist sociologists cannot help being aware of the basic difference between their subject, human beings, and that of natural sci- entists, inanimate objects. As human beings themselves, positivist sociologists must have

6 P A R T O N E / Perspectives and Theories

certain feelings about their subject. However, they try to control their personal biases by forcing themselves not to pass moral judgment on deviant behavior or share the deviant per- son’s feelings. Instead, they try to concentrate on the subject matter as it outwardly appears. Further, these sociologists have tried to follow the scientific rule that all their ideas about deviant behavior should be subject to public test. This means that other sociologists should be able to analyze these ideas to see whether they are supported by facts.

Such a drive to achieve scientific objectivity has made today’s positivist sociologists more objective than their predecessors. They have, therefore, produced works that can tell us much more about the nature of deviant behavior. No longer in vogue today are such value-loaded and subjective notions as evil, immorality, moral failing, debauchery, and demoralization, which were routinely used in the past to describe the essence of deviance. Replacing those outmoded notions are such value-free and objective concepts as norm violation, retreatism, ritualism, rebellion, and conflict.

To demonstrate the objective reality of these concepts, positivist sociologists have used official reports and statistics, clinical reports, surveys of self-reported behavior, and surveys of victimization. Positivists recognize the unfortunate fact that the deviants who are selected by these objective methods do not accurately represent the entire population of deviants. The criminals and delinquents reported in the official statistics, for example, are a special group of deviants, because most crimes and delinquent acts are not discovered and, therefore, not included in the official statistics. Nevertheless, positivists believe that the quality of information obtained by these methods can be improved and refined. In the meantime, they consider the information, though inadequate, useful for revealing at least some aspect of the totality of deviant behavior. A major reason for using the information is to seek out the causes of deviant behavior. This brings us to the next, third assumption of the positivist perspective.

Determinism: Deviance as Determined Behavior

According to the positivist perspective, deviance is determined or caused by forces beyond the individual’s control. Natural scientists hold the same deterministic view about physical phenomena. When positivist sociologists follow natural scientists, they adopt the deter- ministic view and apply it to human behavior.

Overly enthusiastic about the prospect of turning their discipline into a science, early sociologists argued that, like animals, plants, and material objects that natural scientists study, humans do not have any free will. The reason is that acknowledgment of free will would contradict the scientific principle of determinism. If a murderer is thought to will or determine a murderous act, then it does not make sense to say that the murderous act is caused by forces (such as mental condition or family background) beyond the person’s control. Therefore, in defending their scientific principle of determinism, early sociologists maintained their denial of free will.

However, today’s positivist sociologists assume that humans do possess free will. Still, this assumption, they argue, does not undermine the scientific principle of determinism. No matter how much a person exercises free will by making choices and decisions, the choices and decisions do not just happen but are determined by some causes. If a woman chooses to kill her husband rather than continue to live with him, she certainly has free will

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or freedom of choice as long as no one forces her to do what she does. Yet some factor may determine or cause the woman’s choice of one alternative over another, that is, deter- mine the way she exercises her free will. One such causal factor may be a long history of abuse at the hands of her husband. Thus, according to today’s positivist sociologists, there is no inconsistency between freedom and causality.

Although they allow for human freedom or choice, positivist sociologists do not use it to explain why people behave in a certain way. They will not, for example, explain why the woman kills by saying “because she chooses to kill.” This is no explanation at all, since the idea of choice can also be used to explain why another woman does not kill her husband—by saying “because she chooses not to.” According to positivists, killing and not killing, or more generally, deviant and conventional behaviors, being contrary phenomena, cannot be explained by the same factor, such as choice. Further, the idea of choice simply cannot explain the difference between deviance and conventionality; it cannot explain why one person chooses to kill while the other chooses not to. Therefore, although positivists do believe in human choice, they will not attribute deviance to human choice. Instead, they explain deviance by using such concepts as wife abuse, broken homes, unhappy homes, lower-class background, economic deprivation, social disorganization, rapid social change, differential association, differential reinforcement, and lack of social control. Any one of these causes of deviance can be used to illustrate what positivists consider to be a real explanation of deviance because, for example, wife abuse is more likely to cause a woman to kill her husband than not. Positivist theories essentially point to factors such as these as the causes of deviance.

In sum, the positivist perspective on deviant behavior consists of three assumptions. First, deviance is absolutely real in that it has certain qualities that distinguish it from con- ventionality. Second, deviance is an observable object in that a deviant person is like an object and thus can be studied objectively. Third, deviance is determined by forces beyond the individual’s control.

The Constructionist Perspective

Since the 1960s the constructionist perspective has emerged to challenge the positivist per- spective, which had earlier been predominant in the sociology of deviance. Let’s examine the assumptions of the constructionist perspective that run counter to those of the positivist perspective.

Relativism: Deviance as a Label

The constructionist perspective holds the relativist view that deviant behavior by itself does not have any intrinsic characteristics unless it is thought to have these characteristics. The so-called intrinsically deviant characteristics do not come from the behavior itself; they come instead from some people’s minds. To put it simply, an act appears deviant only because some people think it so. As Howard Becker (1963) says, “Deviant behavior is behavior that people so label.” So, no deviant label, no deviant behavior. The existence of deviance depends on the label. Deviance, then, is a mental construct (an idea, thought, or

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image) expressed in the form of a label. Deviance, in other words, is socially constructed, defined as such by society.

Since, effectively, they consider deviance unreal, constructionists understandably stay away from studying it. They are more interested in the questions of whether and why a given act is defined by society as deviant. This leads to the study of people who label others as deviants—such as the police and other law-enforcing agents. If constructionists study so-called deviants, they do so by focusing on the nature of labeling and its consequences.

In studying law-enforcing agents, constructionists have found a huge lack of consen- sus on whether a certain person should be treated as a criminal. The police often disagree among themselves as to whether a suspect should be arrested, and judges often disagree among themselves as to whether those arrested should be convicted or acquitted. In addi- tion, since laws vary from one state to another, the same type of behavior may be defined as criminal in one state but not so in another. Young adult males who father babies born to unwed teenage females, for example, can be prosecuted for statutory rape in California but not in most other states (Gleick, 1996). There is, then, a relativity principle in deviant behavior: Behavior gets defined as deviant relative to a given norm or standard of behav- ior, which is to say, to the way people react to it. If it is not related to the reaction of other people, a given behavior is in itself meaningless—it is impossible to say whether it is devi- ant or conforming. Constructionists strongly emphasize this relativistic view, according to which deviance, like beauty, is in the eye of the beholder.

Subjectivism: Deviance as a Subjective Experience

To constructionists, the supposedly deviant behavior is a subjective, personal experience and the supposedly deviant person is a conscious, feeling, thinking, and reflective subject. Constructionists insist that there is a world of difference between humans (as active sub- jects) and nonhuman beings and things (as passive objects). Humans feel and reflect, and are thus distinguishable from animals, plants, things, and forces in nature, which cannot. Humans also have sacred worth and dignity, but things and forces do not. It is proper and useful for natural scientists to assume nature as an object and then study it, because this study can produce objective knowledge for controlling the natural world. It can also be useful for social scientists to assume and then study humans as objects because it may produce objective knowledge for controlling humans, but this violates the constructionist’s humanist values and sensibilities.

As humanists, constructionists are opposed to the control of humans; instead, they advocate the protection and expansion of human worth, dignity, and freedom. One result of this humanist ideology is the observation that so-called objective knowledge about human behavior is inevitably superficial whenever it is used for controlling people. To control its black citizens, for example, the former white racist regime in South Africa needed only the superficial knowledge that they were identifiable and separable from whites. To achieve the humanist goal of protecting and expanding a certain people’s human worth, dignity, and freedom, a deeper understanding is needed. This understanding requires appreciating and empathizing with each individual or group, experiencing what they experience, and seeing their lives and the world around them from their perspective. We must look at their experience from the inside as a participant rather than from the outside as a spectator.

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In other words, we must adopt the internal, subjective view of the subjects rather than the external, objective view of the observer.

The same principle, according to constructionists, should hold for understanding deviants and their deviant behavior. Constructionists contrast this subjective approach with positivists’ objective one. To constructionists, positivists treat deviance as if it were an immoral, unpleasant, or repulsive phenomenon that should be controlled, corrected, or eliminated. In consequence, positivists have used the objective approach by staying aloof from deviants, by studying the external aspects of their deviant behavior, and by relying on a set of preconceived ideas for guiding their study. The result is a collection of surface facts about deviants, such as their poverty, lack of schooling, poor self-image, and low aspirations. All this may be used for controlling and eliminating deviance, but it does not tell us what deviant people think about themselves, society, and their daily activities.

In order to understand the life of a deviant, constructionists believe, we need to use the relatively subjective approach, which requires our appreciation for and empathy with the deviant. The aim of this subjective approach is to understand the deviants’ personal views, seeing the world as it appears to them. Thus, constructionists tend to study devi- ants with such methods as ethnography, participant observation, or open-ended, in-depth interviews.

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