Journal of Experiential Education 2016, Vol. 39(4) 370 –385

© The Authors 2016 Reprints and permissions:

sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1053825916668901

jee.sagepub.com

Article

Preventing Academic Disengagement Through a Middle School–Based Social and Emotional Learning Program

Amanda Moore McBride1, Saras Chung2, and Anne Robertson1

Abstract Behaviors that warrant school discipline (e.g., fighting, victimizing peers) is detrimental to school climate and the learning process. This study examines the effectiveness of preventing school disciplinary incidents in middle school through an experiential, social and emotional learning (SEL) program. A community youth development organization, two public middle schools in low-income communities and a local university collaborated to design and deliver the program to all seventh- grade students in social studies curricula. This article describes the design of the intervention and its effect on students’ suspensions, skipping class, and failing grades. The results of this study indicate that a school-based SEL service-learning program may reduce disciplinary incidents for middle school students. Other attitudes and skills, however, did not change significantly in the anticipated direction. This research demonstrates the effect of SEL curricula and service-learning programs embedded in school coursework. Implications for practice and research include understanding mechanisms of change in SEL processes.

Keywords service learning, experiential learning, school discipline, social and emotional learning, middle school

1University of Denver, CO, USA 2Washington University in St. Louis, MO, USA

Corresponding Author: Saras Chung, Washington University in St. Louis, One Brookings Drive, Campus Box 1196, St. Louis, MO 63130, USA. Email: saraschung@wustl.edu

668901 JEEXXX10.1177/1053825916668901Journal of Experiential EducationMcBride et al. research-article2016

McBride et al. 371

Introduction

Many public schools in economically vulnerable communities are constrained by a lack of resources available to help students learn increasingly difficult academic con- cepts, while also preparing them for a successful launch into society. For resource- depleted schools, the primary mission of education is often complicated by the urgent need to address student behaviors, which can be exacerbated by the effects of poverty (Wadsworth et al., 2008). Poverty-related stress can manifest itself in adolescent inter- nalizing and externalizing problems, deviant behavior, and school dropout (Wadsworth et al., 2008), further complicating the already difficult task of educating.

These types of stressors can create vicious cycles for vulnerable schools. Instead of proactively encouraging positive student behaviors, schools are left with little choice but to spend their limited time and resources addressing highly disruptive and often- times dangerous behaviors. On an individual level, paying the consequences of one’s actions can reduce time that a student remains in the classroom to learn. Fragmented attendance in the classroom further diminishes a student’s exposure to instruction, which may increase academic disengagement, causing students to fall farther behind academically (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2013). Lack of academic motivation may further exacerbate their participation in disruptive behaviors, creating a negative reinforcing loop of behaviors for schools to address.

The purpose of this study was to examine whether a universal social and emotional learning (SEL) curriculum delivered through a service-learning program could reduce school disciplinary incidents and increase academic engagement for middle school stu- dents. Specifically, this study included the following objectives: (a) work with an urban middle school to deliver an SEL program to an entire grade of seventh-grade students as part of their weekly social studies curricula, and (b) determine whether the interven- tion could reduce middle school disciplinary incidents and increase academic engage- ment, as found in previous replications of the program with high school students.

The intervention design tests a range of academic and social outcomes. First, this study tests whether the intervention could enhance academic efficacy, civic attitudes, and engagement in schools. To our knowledge, few SEL programs have been coupled with service learning and embedded in school curricula in this way. In addition, this study examines whether delivering the intervention in school curricula could reduce negative school behaviors when embedded in school curricula during the school day.

SEL as an Intervention to Prevent Negative School Behaviors

SEL is defined by the most widely used definition from the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) and Zins, Bloodworth, Weissberg, and Walberg (2004) as follows:

SEL is a process for helping children develop the fundamental skills for life effectiveness. SEL teaches the skills we all need to handle ourselves, our relationships and our work effectively and ethically. These skills include recognizing and managing our emotions,

372 Journal of Experiential Education 39(4)

developing caring and concern for others, establishing positive relationships, making responsible decisions, and handling challenging situations constructively and ethically. They are the skills that allow children to calm themselves when angry, make friends, resolve conflicts respectfully, and make ethical and safe choices. (Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning [CASEL], 2014, http://www.casel.org/ social-and-emotional-learning/)

Similarly, Zins et al. (2004) define SEL as the process through which children and adolescents enhance their ability to incorporate thinking, feeling, and behaving to achieve important life tasks. These skills include recognizing and managing emotions, developing caring and concern for others, establishing positive relationships, making responsible decisions, and handling challenging situations constructively and ethically (Zins et al., 2004).

The American Academy of Pediatrics (2013) has recommended that early interven- tion programs identifying students at risk of suspensions and expulsions should also teach age-appropriate behaviors. SEL programs seem to align with this need. Previous research suggests that SEL programs can influence the development of appropriate emotion regulation techniques and positive peer interactions, encouraging young peo- ple to follow positive and productive trajectories (Anderson-Butcher, Stetler, & Midle, 2006; Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki, Taylor, & Schellinger, 2011; Zins & Elias, 2006).

In schools, SEL interventions have been used to reduce a variety of negative behav- iors and increase positive development for youth. In a meta-analysis of SEL programs, successful programs included components that (a) use a connected or coordinated set of activities to achieve objectives related to skill development, (b) use active forms of learning to help youth learn new skills, (c) have at least one component devoted to developing personal or social skills, and (d) targets specific SEL skills rather than targeting skills in general terms (Durlak et al., 2011).

Social and emotional skills taught and demonstrated during childhood have been tied to numerous positive behaviors and qualities. A 3-year longitudinal study of a universal SEL program for elementary school students indicated that students who engaged in the program experienced preventive effects on population-level rates of aggression, social competence, and school engagement (Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 2010). In adolescence, there is evidence of indirect effects on the reduction of anxiety and depression or emotional distress (Durlak et al., 2011; Neil & Christensen, 2009); decreased incidence of conduct problems, such as drug use (Diekstra, 2008; Durlak et al., 2011); and improved performance in school (Diekstra, 2008; Durlak et al., 2011; Wilson, Lipsey, Jo, & Mark, 2006).

Although there are many different types of SEL programs, experiential activities embedded in service learning within a positive youth development framework may be one way to build social and emotional skills in early adolescence (Chung & McBride, 2015). Service learning is a pedagogy that is used to describe structured learning opportunities that engage students in service from research to reflection. These types of experiences have an explicit student learning focus integrated with an equally fun- damental community focus, providing hands-on opportunities for students to research,

McBride et al. 373

practice, and reflect on their contributions to a community (Bringle, Clayton, & Hatcher, 2013; Eyler & Giles, 1999; Felten & Clayton, 2011; McBride, Pritzker, Daftary, & Tang, 2006).

Multiple studies have found that youth who participated in service learning were less likely to be referred for disciplinary measures and more likely to have increased standardized tests scores when compared with those who did not participate in such programming (Billig, 2000). In addition, studies have shown that school-based service learning increases grades, attendance (e.g., Bryant, Shdaimah, Sander, & Cornelius, 2013), academic interest, school engagement, and encourages stronger classroom task-engagement and skills (Schmidt, Shumow, & Kackar, 2006). Classroom-based programs using a positive youth development framework to incorporate service learn- ing can also reduce school disciplinary incidents, especially for students who are most at risk (Allen & Philliber, 2001).

Despite evidence to support the development of SEL in children and adolescents (Durlak et al., 2011), many teachers and school administrators indicate that there are not enough resources or expertise to address the unique needs of individuals who exhibit disruptive school behaviors (Maras, Splett, Reinke, Stormont, & Herman, 2014). Changing the school environment may initially require reinforcements that are not available within the school. Mobilizing community resources that proactively sup- port students’ social and emotional development can help address some of these chal- lenges (Epstein, 1995, 2001). According to D’Agostino (2013), partnerships or collaborations can identify and prioritize student needs and strategize evidence-based ways to meet them.

The Intervention

Wyman’s Teen Outreach Program® (TOP) is a positive youth development program teaching social and emotional skills through curriculum and service learning. Research on the effectiveness of TOP has been published as early as the 1990s on topics of school suspensions and teen pregnancy (e.g., Allen, Philliber, & Hoggson, 1990; Allen & Philliber, 1991, 2001). Few studies, however, have examined how the program works when embedded within school curricula. In addition, few evaluations have been conducted in the past decade focusing on middle school youth in particular. This is important, as the intervention has been listed on a number of evidence-based practice lists from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration’s (SAMHSA) National Registry of Evidence-Based Practices (“Wyman’s Teen Outreach Program,” 2015) to the Promising Practices Network: Programs That Work (2013). Most of these lists, however, use data from studies conducted over 30 years ago.

Overview of the Study

This article reports on outcomes of a 9-month intervention conducted over the course of 1 academic year. To our knowledge, this is one of the first studies using a quasi- experimental design to determine whether TOP, when closely aligned with middle

374 Journal of Experiential Education 39(4)

school curricula, can improve academic engagement for adolescents. This study answers the following research questions:

Research Question 1: What is the effect of Wyman’s TOP at improving academic engagement for middle school students when embedded in the school curricula? Research question 2: What is the effect of Wyman’s TOP on student’s behavioral, academic, and civic attitudes?

It is hypothesized that skills learned during the intervention will help students to refrain from engaging in negative behaviors that lead to disciplinary incidents (e.g., fighting, disrupting class, skipping class) for students in the intervention school. In addition, we hypothesize that students in this experiential curriculum will have increas- ingly positive beliefs and attitudes toward school engagement and civic duties.

Method

The Intervention

Wyman’s TOP is an SEL curriculum embedded in a service-learning program (Chung & McBride, 2015). In this study, there were four collaborative entities necessary to implement the intervention: a community-based youth development organization, two middle schools, and a local university. The youth development organization provided access to the intervention, trained and supervised program facilitators, and provided program materials and replication expertise. The intervention school delivered the program to seventh-grade students through the required social studies curriculum. The comparison school was asked to participate based on its similarity in demographic composition and size and received “business as usual” followed by a delayed interven- tion. The university designed the school and community partnership, provided access to master’s-level social work students to serve as program facilitators in exchange for practicum credits, and developed instruments for program evaluation and intervention effect testing.

Researchers, the youth development organization, and school administrators from both the comparison and intervention school were included in meetings to discuss the implementation. Given previous research outcomes on the program and existing rela- tionships with the youth development organization, school leadership were open to implementing the program in their schools. Agreements from the school were contin- gent upon the university to provide master’s-level social work students to deliver the programming and to orchestrate the community service with training, oversight, and program support from the youth development agency.

The intervention was implemented during social studies class periods once a week (45-60 min sessions) across the entire school year (32 weeks). Program ses- sions (also called “TOP Clubs”) were led by program facilitators. During this time, classroom teachers would turn over their class to the program facilitator and use this time for lesson planning or to watch as a passive observer. Lessons were led in an

McBride et al. 375

interactive, facilitator-led group discussion format on social and emotional skill development. Sessions included topics that were planned alongside existing social studies lessons, such as decision-making, building healthy relationships, communi- cation skills, and issues of social and physical development. The program also required students to participate in 20-hr of school-based service learning designed to engage students in the planning, execution, and evaluation of their service-learning activities. Students designed activities that coordinated with their existing social studies curriculum.

Program facilitators for the intervention were chosen from a pool of qualified mas- ter’s of social work (MSW) degree candidates at the collaborating university. Prior to the academic year, facilitators attended a 40-hr, weeklong training led by trainers from the youth development organization. A training manual and curriculum guide, includ- ing lesson plans for all sessions, was given to all facilitators for reference. Ongoing training, supervision, and professional development opportunities were provided throughout the year.

According to the fidelity requirements of the intervention, program clubs should meet weekly over the course of 9 months, each club provides a minimum of 25 curric- ulum-focused peer group meetings, students should complete a minimum of 20 hr of service learning, and meetings should be facilitated by a trained facilitator. Students in the intervention school participated in approximately 21.28 hr (SD = 2.89) of com- munity service during the academic year and received approximately 31 program ses- sions (µ = 31.04, SD = 4.22), satisfying the fidelity requirements of the intervention.

Setting and Sample

The study took place in two public, Midwestern middle schools during 2012-2013. The protocol and design of this study was institutional review board (IRB)–approved by Washington University in St. Louis (No. 201207120). The intervention school included 661 sixth- to eighth-grade students in the 2012-2013 school year. A majority of the students (69.4 %) were eligible for free or reduced-price lunch. Racially, 87.4% of students in the intervention school were African American and 7.6% of students were White. The comparison school spanned Grades 7 to 8, with 1,028 students enrolled in 2012-2013 school year. A majority of the students (92.7%) were eligible for free or reduced-price lunch. In regard to race, 97.6% of students from the compari- son school were African American.

All seventh-grade students were eligible to participate in the study. Parental consent for research was received for 148 students in the intervention school (71.8%) and 151 seventh-grade students in the comparison school (46.7%). Both samples from each school were mostly female (intervention school: 56.3%, comparison school: 60.4%) and African American (intervention school: 85%, comparison school: 95%). Chi- square analyses indicated no significant differences in gender, race, or living situation for these samples (Table 1).

School faculty (e.g., teachers) from the intervention school had an average of 14 years of experience and 62% of staff had advanced degrees. The comparison school

376 Journal of Experiential Education 39(4)

had an average of 17.9 years of experience and 70.3% of staff had advanced degrees. The intervention facilitators (n = 4) were all new to the intervention school setting but had prior experience with children and youth in other settings.

Method

At the beginning of the school year, the research team worked with facilitators, teach- ers, and school administrators to inform and recruit seventh-grade participants for the study. Pre- and posttest surveys were distributed to participating students in the fall and spring by the university research staff. Research staff explained the survey components to students and remained present during the survey administration period to answer questions. Of those who consented, 112 students completed both the pre- and posttest from the intervention school (75.6%). In the comparison school, 106 students com- pleted both the pre- and posttests (70.2%).

Table 1. Sample Description.

Demographic Characteristics

Intervention school Comparison school

n % n %

Total Participants in Each Sample 112 100 106 100 Gender Males 49 43.8 42 39.6 Females 63 56.3 64 60.4 Race African American 82 78.9 95 91.4 White 9 8.7 1 1.0 Hispanic/Latino 1 1.0 — — Asian or Pacific Islander — — — — Multiethnic 5 4.8 4 3.9 Native American/Alaskan Native 1 1.0 1 1.0 Other 6 5.8 2 1.9 Mother’s education High school diploma or less 16 18.4* 26 36.6* Some college or more 71 81.6* 45 63.4* Father’s education High school diploma or less 21 31.8* 32 58.2* Some college or more 45 68.2* 23 41.8* Household family composition Two-parent 61 59.2 55 52.9 Single-parent 33 32.0 39 37.5 Guardian/other 9 8.7 10 9.6

*p < .05.

McBride et al. 377

Measures and Analytic Strategy

Surveys were used to understand changes in student attitudes regarding their belong- ing and engagement in school, self-worth, perceptions of community safety, and civic duty. Other constructs on prosocial bonding and student autonomy were also mea- sured; however, these scales had poor Cronbach’s alpha scores (α < .70) and therefore were omitted from the analysis.

School belonging. Questions regarding school belonging were modified from items on the Psychological Sense of School Membership Scale (Goodenow, 1993; α = .79). Students were prompted with five statements: I feel like a real part of my school; Sometimes I feel as if I don’t belong here; I wish I were in a different school; I feel proud to belong to this school; and I am happy to be at this school. Likert-type response ratings ranged from 1 (not at all) to 5 (likely true). Negatively worded items were reversed while coding. The mean was taken across the sum of scale items.

Emotional engagement. Emotional engagement was assessed through a subscale (α = .78) of the Engagement versus Disaffection With Learning (EvsD) Measure (Skinner & Belmont, 1993): My classes are fun; I enjoy learning new things in my classes; When we work on something in class, I feel interested; When I am in class, I feel good; and In my classes, I work as hard as I can. Students rated items on a scale from 1 (never) to 5 (a lot), and the scale was summed and then averaged, with higher values indicating greater agreement.

Behavioral engagement. The Behavioral Engagement subscale of the EvsD (Skinner & Belmont, 1993) was used to measure students’ active participation in learning (α = .70). Survey items asked students to rate the following statements from 1 (never) to 5 (a lot): I pay attention in my classes; When I’m in class, I participate in class discus- sions; When I’m in class, I listen very carefully; I try hard to do well in school; and When we work on something in class, I get involved. Scale scores were then averaged, with higher scores indicating greater agreement.

Academic efficacy. Academic efficacy was measured through the Patterns of Adaptive Learning Scale (PALS; Midgley et al., 2000). PALS ask students to rate themselves on questions that gauge their perception of their ability to complete and learn difficult school- work, master the skills taught in school, and discern and solve difficult concepts (α = .79). Students were asked to respond with 1 (none) to 5 (a lot) to the following prompts: I’m certain I can master the skills taught in class this year; I’m certain I can figure out how to do the most difficult class work; I can do almost all the work in class if I don’t give up; Even if the work is hard, I can learn it; and I can do even the hardest work in this class if I try. Scores were averaged, with scores near 5 indicating higher self-efficacy.

Civic duty. Civic duty was measured using a 12-item scale on civic duty by Zaff, Boyd, Li, Lerner, and Lerner (2010) with an Cronbach’s alpha level of α = .83. The

378 Journal of Experiential Education 39(4)

scale measured student attitudes on statements on a 5-point scale from 1 (not impor- tant) to 5 (very important). Scale items were summed then averaged for interpreta- tion, with higher scores reflecting student attitudes suggesting that civic duty was very important. Statements included phrases such as the following: I believe I can make a difference in my community, helping to make sure all people are treated fairly, speaking up for equality, and it is important for me to contribute to my com- munity and society.

School disciplinary events. Students were asked to report academic behaviors (failing grades/courses) and social behaviors (skipping class without permission and getting suspended) in both the pre- and posttest surveys. Students were asked, “Have you [obtained any failing grades; skipped school without permission; been suspended] in the past year?” Responses to these questions were dichotomously coded “yes/no.” If a student responded yes, he or she was asked to report how many times.

Logistic regression analysis in SAS 9.4 was used to determine whether there were any significant differences in the intervention and comparison group, while control- ling for pretest responses, parent’s education, household structure, and gender.

Results

Social, Emotional, and Civic Attitudes

Overall, the differences between pre- and posttest surveys were not significant in the hypothesized direction. In fact, attitudes for certain scales were marked less favorably between pretest and posttest for the intervention students. The two areas where stu- dents from the intervention school were significantly different from students in the comparison group were areas of emotional engagement and academic efficacy.