The Big Five Personality Test

The Big Five Personality Test

How true is each of the following characteristics in describing me?

Interpretation:

Scale O: Openness to Experience [high score of 34](curious versus consistent). People with high scores are described as adventurous, daring, imaginative, and variety loving.

Scale C: Conscientiousness  [high score of 34] (organized versus careless). People with high scores are described as well organized, scrupulous, responsible, and reliable.

Scale E: Extroversion   [second highest score of 33](social versus reserved). People with high scores are described as outgoing, sociable, friendly, and people oriented.

Scale A: Agreeableness   [third highest score of 32](compassionate versus contentious). People with high scores are described as good-natured, considerate, cooperative, and kind.

Scale N: Neuroticism  [lowest score of 22](nervous versus calm). People with high scores are described as anxious, emotional, temperamental, and highly strung.

Case Study:

Your CEO is looking for someone to head up the Potato-Smashing department. This person must be highly critical, and a bit pessimistic. They also need to be dutiful and willing to follow instructions at all cost. High attention to detail, and more focus on the tasks of potato smashing than the people doing the smashing! Potato smashing is a big deal. In the city of Spud, mashed potatoes make up 45% of the GDP; and Potatoes ‘R’ Us is a monopoly. The CEO needs to see your Big Five Personality scores, and a brief explanation as to why you are, or are not a good fit.

Based on your Big Five Personality scores, and what you know from the readings, would you make a good fit for the new Manager of Potato Smashing role?

Be sure to do the following:

  1. Report how you scored for each scale. (Listed above)
  2. Explain how you would interpret each score.
  3. Provide an overall conclusion of why you are or are not a good fit for the case study.

GUIDELINES

  • Length: 1.5-2 pages (not including title page or references page)
  • 1-inch margins
  • Double spaced
  • 12-point Times New Roman font
  • Title page
  • References page (minimum of 1 scholarly source in addition to your textbook… Manning. (2021). ISE EBOOK ONLINE ACCESS FOR THE ART OF LEADERSHIP (Sixth ed.). New York, NY: MCGRAW-HILL US HIGHER ED.)

Forensic Psychology And Ethical Implications

Forensic Psychology and Ethical Implications

For this paper, you will

PSYCHIATRY REVIEW ARTICLE

published: 01 December 2014 doi: 10.3389/fpsyt.2014.00172

Frendak to Phenis to Breivik: an examination of the imposed insanity defense William Donald Richie*, Farzana Alam, Lalitha Gazula, Harold Embrack , Milankumar Nathani and Rahn Kennedy Bailey

Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Science, Meharry Medical College, Nashville, TN, USA

Edited by: Roy O’Shaughnessy, University of British Columbia, Canada

Reviewed by: George Seiden, George Seiden Medical Corporation, USA Elizabeth Hogan, Regents University, USA

*Correspondence: William Donald Richie, Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Science, Meharry Medical College, Nashville, TN, USA e-mail: wrichie@mmc.edu

The imposition of the insanity defense is a complicated psycho-legal scenario. Globally, def- initions of insanity differ from country to country. In a multitude of cases, a determination of insanity at the time of a criminal act means the offender will not be considered responsible for his or her action(s). In many jurisdictions, concerns have been raised that the insanity defense has been used to mitigate punishment, usually after a particularly heinous crime. In this review, the authors use three cases – Frendak, Phenis, and Breivik to demonstrate how the imposition of the insanity defense has been used for legal purposes in the past and present. In an effort to give more background to each of the above-mentioned cases, the writers have provided some details to aid comprehension. The authors offer recommenda- tions for the ethical forensic evaluator unburdened by partisan allegiance and invested in the search for truth. This review article relies on peer-reviewed articles available from PubMed, Meharry Online Library, and legal dictionaries. We also cross-referenced reputable news sources to ensure the validity of the facts we present.

Keywords: Frendak vs. United States, Phenis vs. United States, Breivik case, insanity defense, jurisdictions

INTRODUCTION Societies , in the main, believe that criminals should be punished for their crimes. At the same time, societies also advocate that laws should not punish defendants who are mentally ill and inca- pable of understanding and knowing that their actions were wrong and/or were unable to control their conduct (McNaughton Stan- dard, American Library of Law). In this way, the insanity defense reflects a compromise on the part of society and the law (1).

The legal definition of insanity is “a condition which renders the affected person unfit to enjoy the liberty of action because of the unreliability of his behavior with concomitant danger to himself and others” [Ref. (2), p. 794]. Importantly, insanity is not the same as low intelligence or mental deficiency due to age or injury. The legal proceedings following a defense of insanity require psychi- atric/medical input to determine whether the defendant be placed in a penal institution or mental-health facility for treatment. In a criminal case, the defendant may plea “not guilty by reason of insanity.” This plea requires a trial or hearing to determine sanity at the time the crime was committed (3).

The concept of willful intent is essential to the determina- tion of whether or not the offender is guilty. A person found to be “insane” is considered incapable of forming such intent. The standard used for determining a defendant to be not guilty by rea- son of insanity has changed through the years from adherence to strict guidelines, to more lenient interpretations, and back to an increasingly strict standard (4). In the early twentieth century the insanity defense was better defined which decreased ambiguity in its use (5).

Figure 1 describes these changes in chronological order (6). The McNaughton Rule is the basic test for insanity in most

jurisdictions in the USA, and emerged as a defense in the US

during the nineteenth century (7). In 2009, Bennett demonstrated the inadequacies of the McNaughton Rule (8).

Currently, in the United States, forensic mental-health profes- sionals (psychiatrists, social workers, and psychologists) conduct the determination of whether or not the defendant fits the Black’s Law Dictionary definition of insanity at the time of the crime [Ref. (2), p. 794]. Prior to the above standard definition, forensic eval- uators used the “old standard,” a list of test questions designed to determine whether the defendant could distinguish between right and wrong. Large et al. (9) conducted a study to determine the reliability of the expert witness’s evaluation. In this study, the level of agreement regarding not guilty by reason of mental illness (insanity) was moderate to good by expert witnesses of opposite sides (9). Problems remain in cases where the defendant is in dis- cord with his/her attorney(s) regarding the use of insanity as the defense.

In 1979, the precedent of the Frendak inquiry was instituted in response to Frendak vs. United States (10). The Frendak inquiry refers to a process used to determine whether a defendant intelli- gently and voluntarily waived the insanity defense or not. In Phenis vs. United States (2006), the standard of the Frendak inquiry was revisited. Recently, a new twist on the insanity standard (and a consideration for the imposition of the insanity defense) arose in a high-profile case in Norway. The case in Norway centered on the defense of Anders Breivik, for whom the prosecution and defense have decided to argue the following issues: Did the defendant know right from wrong at the time he carried out the atrocities? Was he suffering from a mental illness? Was he fully capable of sepa- rating fantasy from reality? Did he have the ability to conduct his affairs in the absence of psychosis? Was he subject to uncontrollable behavior at the time he committed mass murder?

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McNaughton’s Rule 1843

(Ability to know right/wrong of action)

Modification of McNaughton’s Rule

1887(Irresistible impulse test)

Durham Rule 1954

(Evidence of mental disease)

American Law Institute Standard 1964

(A consolidation of the proceeding)

Insanity Defense Reform Act 1984

(Toughened by Congress to right/wrong with burden of

proof shifted to defendant)

FIGURE 1 | One evolutionary line of the insanity defense, (GB to US).

We use the three cases to illustrate the principle of the Frendak inquiry in the insanity defense (10), the application of the princi- ple in another case in the United States (11), and how it compares to a high-profile international case (12).

The Frendak vs. US (10) case is a landmark case with great educational value for all forensic psychiatrists, especially in North America. It presents an unusual situation where all but the defen- dant, Paula Frendak, harbored the view that she was insane at the time of the crime. The astute forensic evaluator would be well advised to consider the potential implications of the insanity defense being imposed on the defendant and act accordingly, i.e., after engaging the Frendak inquiry. (The outline has been made available in our manuscript).

In 2006, the Phenis vs. US case went to trial and ended with Mr. Phenis guilty by jury. Several years later, the case was unsuc- cessfully appealed. The basis for the appeal was the court’s failure to institute the Frendak inquiry. After the application of the Fren- dak inquiry, the Court of Appeals upheld the guilty verdict in the Phenis case.

Norway’s Breivik case appears in this review to highlight the international nature of attempts to impose the insanity defense. Additionally, it highlights the extremely unusual circumstance where the prosecution was pressing for a verdict of insane while the defense was pressing for a verdict of sane.

FRENDAK VS. UNITED STATES (FRENDAK VS. UNITED STATES, 1979) FACTS OF FRENDAK VS. UNITED STATES At approximately 2:15 on the afternoon of January 15, 1974, Mr. Willard Titlow left his office and took the elevator from the seventh floor. Paula Frendak, a co-worker, departed immediately after- wards and within a few minutes Mr. Titlow was found fatally shot on the first floor hallway of their office building.

Following the shooting, Ms. Frendak left Washington, DC, USA, where the incident occurred. She was eventually apprehended on February 11, 1974 in Abu Dhabi for not surrendering her pass- port at the airport. When searched, she was in possession of a 0.38 caliber pistol, 45 rounds of ammunition, 2 empty cartridges and a pocketknife (13). Authorities in Abu Dhabi surrendered Ms. Frendak to the United States Marshals on March 13, 1974. She was brought back to the District of Columbia and on May 29th of the same year she was charged with 1st degree murder and for possession of an unlicensed pistol.

At the trial, the Government presented evidence that Mr. Tit- low had been shot twice. The evidence showed that someone stood over the victim as he lay on the floor and fired the last shot. With the help of a police expert in firearms identification, tests showed positively that the bullets removed from Mr. Titlow’s body had been fired by the weapon seized from Paula Frendak.

Robert Hur, a co-worker, testified that Ms. Frendak had fol- lowed him and Mr. Titlow on three (3) occasions prior to January 15, 1974. Another co-worker, Thomas Voit, recalled a similar inci- dent that occurred on the day of the murder. Ms. Frendak had followed him and the deceased as they left the office and were tak- ing the elevator. Mr. Titlow tried to avoid Ms. Frendak telling her that he and Mr. Voit were going out to eat. Both men left for the cafeteria and realized that Ms. Frendak had followed. She took the elevator up with them.

Additionally, a secretary in the office testified that immediately preceding the shooting Ms. Frendak had followed Mr. Titlow as soon as he had left the office for his regular sales call. He was found fatally wounded a few minutes later. Paula Frendak admitted to ownership of the murder weapon and claimed she had brought it to sell to Mr. Titlow. She had left the office with him in order to complete the transaction. After handing the pistol to Mr. Titlow, an unknown woman grabbed the gun from the deceased, shot him twice, and fled. Paula Frendak claimed she panicked and left the city in the aftermath.

In the months preceding her trial, Ms. Frendak underwent four competency evaluations to assess her mental status and her abil- ity to consult with counsel on matters related to the case. After the fourth hearing, the Court found that she was suffering from a personality disorder, but was deemed able to consult with coun- sel concerning the proceedings against her. The Court concluded that Ms. Frendak was competent to stand trial and subsequently found her guilty of first-degree murder and carrying an unlicensed pistol (13).

ISSUE ON APPEAL Prior to sentencing, the judge ordered a criminal responsibility evaluation to determine her mental state at the time of the offense. The Trial Court overruled the conviction and found her to be “Not Guilty By Reason of Insanity” even though she refused to plead insanity and appealed. Later, the District of Columbia Court of Appeals concluded that a trial judge cannot force an insanity defense on a defendant who is competent to stand trial if the defendant intelligently and voluntarily decided to reject the insan- ity defense (14, 15). The Court listed five legitimate and rational reasons for which a defendant might reject the insanity defense (Figure 2).

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1. A defendant may fear a lengthier confinement in a mental health institution more than the

potential prison sentence.

2. Objection to the type or quality of treatment in a mental health institution

3. The defendantmay choosea guilty plea to avoid the stigma implied of the mental illness

implied in the insanity verdict.

4. Desire to avoid collateral consequences of an insanity acquittal throughout the life

5. Undermining of defendant’s political or religious views of the crime

FIGURE 2 | Defendant’s potential (rational) objections to an insanity defense, (from forensic neuropsychology: a scientific approach, page 456, by Glenn J. Larrabee).

HOLDING ON APPEAL In the Frendak case, the government produced sufficient evidence to support a conviction for first-degree murder. However, due to the challenge created by the second issue, the appeals court ruled that a trial judge might not force an insanity defense on a defendant found competent to stand trial if the individual intel- ligently and voluntarily decides to forego that defense. The Court of Appeals decided that the lower Court’s finding of “Competency to Stand Trial” was not sufficient to show the defendant capable of rejecting an insanity defense. The higher court also instructed the trial judge to make further inquiry into whether the defendant had made an intelligent and voluntary decision. It was unclear whether Paula Frendak had made such a decision. Therefore, the decision of the court was reversed, and she was remanded for the additional proceedings (16).

REASONING ON APPEAL To avoid the confusion alluded to above in a Frendak-style juris- diction, it is valuable for the Forensic Examiner to be aware of potential reasons that a defendant may be rejecting the insanity defense. Moreover, it is crucial to assess the impact of any men- tal illness on the defendant’s ability to make an intelligent and voluntary judgment (A.K.A. willful intent).

In certain circumstances, while the Frendak inquiry allows the courts to raise the insanity defense for a defendant, it has also upheld the societal concept of justice in which the defendant has been found incompetent to waive the defense. For a defendant who is otherwise competent to stand trial, a decision to waive the defense for any of the reasons listed above (at least in a jurisdiction following Frendak) would most probably be respected (17).

The Frendak inquiry is a three part inquiry that includes (1) an inquiry into competency to stand trial, (2) if the defendant is competent to stand trial, then an inquiry into whether or not the defendant has the capacity to voluntarily waive the insan- ity defense, and (3) whether the court, on its own will, should impose the defense based on evidence of the defendant’s mental condition at the time of the crime. The Frendak inquiry is of con- siderable value to legal proceedings. It has become a pivotal part of the proceedings in many other cases such as in Phenis vs. United States (11).

PHENIS VS. UNITED STATES (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA COURT OF APPEALS – PHENIS VS. UNITED STATES, 2006) Phenis vs. United States relates to the insanity defense as well as to the question of an imposed insanity defense in Frendak. Jamar Phenis was convicted of arson, malicious destruction of property and second-degree cruelty to children. Phenis appealed, claiming that the court should have ordered a competency evaluation dur- ing the pre-trial portion of his case, that the court failed to do a Frendak inquiry, that the court improperly precluded Phenis from defending against the specific element of arson, that there was an error in the arson jury instruction, and that the trial court erred when it corrected the appellant’s illegal sentence (18). The judges (Ruiz, Glickman, and Schwelb) found the claims to have no merit, except for the Frendak inquiry.

FACTS OF PHENIS VS. UNITED STATES In order to understand how the Frendak inquiry pertains to Phenis vs. United States, it is helpful to know the facts of the case and the timeline of events from pre-trial to sentencing.

On June 27th, 2000, maintenance workers were called to inves- tigate a broken window at the apartment complex where Jamar Phenis lived with his mother. When they arrived at the apart- ment, they found Jamar Phenis arguing with his mother. The workers also noted a broken patio door and a shattered win- dow. Maintenance left the apartment a few minutes later and at that stage, the argument escalated. Shortly afterwards, Jamar Phe- nis’ mother, Ardis, arrived at the property manager’s office and asked the manager to call the police. Maintenance workers then returned to the apartment and witnessed a chair on fire being thrown off the balcony. They also witnessed Jamar Phenis’ 6-year old niece, Nigeri Cooper, run out of the apartment horrified by her uncle’s behavior. She said that her uncle had “set the place on fire.” The remaining residents were evacuated. The mainte- nance workers observed Mr. Phenis strolling out of the building. He did not call for help or report the fire. The workers notified the police that Mr. Phenis had started the fire and he was summarily arrested.

During questioning, Jamar Phenis stated, “Well, I guess I did it. I struck a couple of matches . . . I threw the first match on a pile of newspaper. I threw [the second match] on the couch.” The

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question of whether or not Mr. Phenis deliberately set the fire or was unsuccessful in putting it out was argued during the trial.

During the pre-trial proceedings conducted by Dr. Lawrence Oliver, a clinical psychologist who conducted a competency exam- ination, Mr. Phenis was found to have “judgment and insight distorted by unrealistic thinking.” Later, a court order issued on July 12, 2000, instructed Dr. Oliver to conduct a complete com- petency examination at the mental-health unit of the District of Columbia jail.

Dr. Oliver was unable to complete the examination because Mr. Phenis refused to participate. Subsequently, Dr. Oliver found Mr. Phenis to be incompetent to stand trial (IST) due to mental- health concerns. He cited facts such as Mr. Phenis not bathing for several weeks, refusing to take his medications and not attending his appointments at the clinic. Dr. Oliver evidenced his opinion regarding Mr. Phenis’ unrealistic thought processing by reveal- ing the defendant’s current point of view, “I’m ready to return to society. They should give me bond.”

At the end of the probable cause hearing, Mr. Phenis was found to be IST. The court ordered a further evaluation at St. Elizabeth’s Hospital with an updated competency report to be submitted by October 2000. In September 2000, Dr. Mitchell Hugonnet, staff psychologist at St. Elizabeth’s Hospital, found that Mr. Phenis was competent to stand trial. The court held that Mr. Phenis had a good understanding of the charges brought against him.

Again, in October 2000, Mr. Phenis was found competent to stand trial after he was described as being in control of himself, compliant with his medication and not at risk of danger to himself or to others. However, Mr. Phenis remained at St. Elizabeth’s Hos- pital to ensure that he would remain compliant and competent to stand trial. Before the trial began on June 25, 2001, the defense asked the court to order a “Criminal Responsibility Test” to assess Mr. Phenis’ mental state at the time of the offense.

The defense specifically declined to request or pursue the Not Guilty by Reason of Insanity plea, but wanted to develop informa- tion regarding their theory that he had a mental illness at the time of the crime. Mr. Phenis specifically denied a plea of Not Guilty by Reason of Insanity.

In August of 2001, Dr. William Richie, a staff psychiatrist in the Forensic Inpatient Services Division of the District of Colum- bia Department of Mental Health, concluded after his evaluation of Mr. Phenis, that Mr. Phenis was not suffering from a mental disease or defect that could have caused him to be incapable of recognizing the wrongfulness of his actions. Dr. Richie’s report made it difficult for the defense to pursue a plea separate from Not Guilty By Reason of Insanity. Mr. Phenis’ condition was subject to deterioration and he was required to remain at St. Elizabeth’s to ensure continued competency.

In October 2001, the defense informed the judge that Mr. Phe- nis wanted to offer a plea of guilty to the charge of malicious destruction of property. This was contingent on the government dismissing the two other charges, waiving enhancement papers, and reserving the right to ask the trial court to hold the appellant in jail pending sentencing.

A District of Columbia Superior Court jury found Jamar Phenis guilty of Arson and Malicious Destruction of Property and Second Degree Cruelty to Children. Phenis was sent back to St. Elizabeth

with pending sentencing. Soon afterward, a hearing was conducted on January 29, 2002, to hear the request by St. Elizabeth’s for Mr. Phenis to be transferred to jail. The judge ordered for another mental-health examination for Mr. Phenis, this time conducted by the District of Columbia’s Forensic Services Administration.

On January 31, 2002, Mr. Phenis was transferred from St. Eliza- beth’s to the District of Columbia jail’s mental-health ward where he was evaluated by Dr. Janet Fay-Dumaine. She determined that Mr. Phenis’ condition worsened significantly when he was not on medication and that he needed “intensive mental health and substance abuse treatment.”

At Mr. Phenis’ sentencing hearing on March 20, 2002, he stated that he had been “hallucinating and intoxicated at the time of the fire.” He said he was “sick” and that his mother also was not well. Judge Motley recommended that Mr. Phenis be sent to the Federal Corrections Center in Butner, North Carolina to complete a 9- to 27-year sentence.

HOLDING ON APPEAL In the appeal of Phenis vs. United States (2006), the judges found that it was not clear if Phenis was fully informed of the circum- stances surrounding the insanity defense or that he freely chose to waive it. Therefore, the court remanded for a Frendak inquiry.

REASONING ON APPEAL In addition to the belief that the Frendak inquiry had merit in the Phenis vs. United States (2006), the judge offered an opinion on the premise of the Frendak inquiry and stated, “Merely because a criminal defendant may lack the capacity to waive an insanity defense does not mean that it is necessarily the judge who should decide whether that defense should be pursued.” The judge opined that there are alternatives, e.g., appointing a guardian to investigate and make the choice for the defendant, but that would be an issue for a later time.

Ultimately, after the Frendak inquiry was conducted, and due to Mr. Phenis’ continued vehement refusal of the insanity defense, his guilty verdict was finally affirmed on June 25th, 2009. He was returned to Allenwood Federal Penitentiary to serve out the term of his sentence.

CASE OF ANDERS BREIVIK The recent high-profile case of Mr. Anders Breivik, the Norwegian gunman, poses an interesting perspective to the application (and potential imposition) of the insanity defense. Mr. Breivik, admit- tedly, killed 77 individuals in bomb and gun attacks on July 2011 in Norway and admitted that he had done it in defense of his country.

On that day, Mr. Breivik drove a van loaded with explosives to Central Oslo. He detonated these devices outside the office of the Prime Minister, killing eight. Mr. Breivik then traveled 45 km away to Lake Northwest of Oslo, arriving there approx- imately 90 min after his first attack. At the lake, he disguised himself as a police officer and boarded a ferry headed to Utoeya Island. After a 30-min trip, he disembarked and began shooting participants of a Labor Party summer camp. The victims of his sav- agery included teenagers attending the summer camp. Mr. Breivik would later confess to all charges against him. However, he refused to plead guilty to committing to any crime and instead claimed “self-defense.”

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In his defense, Mr. Breivik explained that his actions were in alignment with the views of extreme right wing militants, a grow- ing and disenchanted faction in many European countries. Mr. Breivik told the judges that he acted in defense of his nation and though he conceded that his actions were cruel, he found them necessary. Just before he began his killing spree, he released a mani- festo online to his Facebook followers, and a link to a video on You Tube through which he lambasted the “multiculturalists” whom he claimed are aiding the destruction of European society.

It is most interesting that Breivik’s defense is steadfast on the claim that the defendant’s actions were that of a sane man who felt he needed to preserve the “basics of the European Christian cultural legacy.” For followers of the case in the US, the theory of defense in this case is decidedly unusual, as an insanity defense can mean a mitigated sentence. It seems peculiar that a defense lawyer would encourage a client to plead guilty with willful intent when doing so would usually beckon the full wrath of the law. However, the situation becomes clear upon examination of the criminal justice system in Norway.

In Norway, a defendant found mentally ill at the time of a crime, and is currently mentally ill, will be sent to a hospital for treatment. In addition, public safety is considered a priority when the patient is suffering from a mental disease or defect when the crime is committed, but is not currently afflicted (7, 19).

Interestingly, Norway does not have the death penalty (20). Norway’s legal system allows Mr. Breivik to face a maximum sen- tence of 21 years if declared sane (though this can be increased incrementally after completion of his sentence by the court’s dis- cretion). Conversely, if he is found to be “insane,” he can be sentenced to a mental institution for as long as he is considered sick and dangerous to others. The prosecution for the case has urged the court to consider Breivik insane, presumably, so that he be held for a longer duration (perhaps, for rest of his life). On the other hand, the defense is arguing for the prospect of a determinate sentence brought about by a verdict of guilty (21, 22).

It is clear that Mr. Breivik wants his actions to be taken seri- ously. Lene Wold of the magazine The Independent writes about Breivik as a self-proclaimed political activist, and if he is sent to a mental hospital that would be in Breivik’s own words, “the ulti- mate humiliation. . . a fate worse than death.” Mr. Breivik has gone on to opine that, “history shows, you have to commit a small bar- barism to prevent a larger barbarism.” With this rationalization of the crime, one could reasonably conjecture that Mr. Breivik is hoping that he has set the proverbial ball rolling down the hill. According to Geir Lippestad, counsel for the defense, Mr. Breivik’s actions were not delusional but a “part of a political view shared by other right wing extremists.” Olivier Truc of the magazine LaM- onde quoted Mr. Lippestad’s revelation that, “We will place people from extremist backgrounds on the witness stand to explain their thought process in order to establish that there are others who, without going as far as to commit the crime, share the same ide- ology and way of thinking.” Lippestad said that “[w]hat we want to show is that we are dealing with an ideology and that he is not the only person to stand behind [those beliefs]; that he is not a psychotic living in a separate world.” At its core, Breivik’s view demonstrates a growing intolerance for what the extremists perceive as the, “Muslim invasion.”

In his 1500 page manifesto, Mr. Breivik expounds, “I don’t support the deportation of non-Muslims from Europe as long as they are fully assimilated (I’m a supporter of many of the Japanese/Taiwan/South Korean policies/principles). However, we should take a break from mass immigration in general (as of 2008 numbers). Any future immigration needs to be strictly controlled and exclusively non-Muslim.” This notion prompts the question on whether or not public sentiment will have any effect on the outcome of this trial. As it appears, the Norwegian public would like to keep Mr. Breivik ensconced in a mental institution where he presumably can be more effectively monitored and restrained.

The use of an insanity defense is controversial (23, 24) and is especially controversial in a high-profile case like Anders Breivik. Approximately 1% of defendants in criminal cases utilize it as a defense, while juries in the United States reject about four of every five insanity pleas (25). We do not have figures available for cir- cumstances where the verdict is the result of “an agreed order” but given the increasing burdens placed upon the criminal justice system (and the propensity for most criminal verdicts to receive a “plea bargain” disposition), we can conjecture that there are many.

This high-profile case has put Norwegian law under the micro- scope. Dr. Landy Sparr of the Oregon Health and Science Univer- sity offered some insight into Norway’s legal system as it relates to the insanity defense. In the journal Live Science, the journal’s senior editor Stephanie Pappas authored an article entitled, “What ‘Insanity’ Means for Norwegian Gunman.” She quotes Dr. Sparr’s writing, “In Norway, defendants qualify for an insanity defense only if they can prove they were in a state of psychosis and not in control of their own actions during the crime” (25). Addition- ally, she pointed out that “Some US states have a test for insanity that is similar to the one used in Norway.” Parenthetically, these “similar” state jurisdictions utilize an “irresistible impulse” or “voli- tional prong.” Also, of note, it would appear that Mr. Breivik’s first mental-health determination (announced on Tuesday, Novem- ber 29, 2011) was apparently what would be considered to be a competency to stand trial evaluation, in that it was a preliminary proceeding to be followed by a criminal responsibility determi- nation to be made at a later date. Karen Franklyn, in her online commentary titled “In The News,” dated Wednesday April 16, 2012, observed that Mr. Breivik had a pre-trial evaluation, “what we in the US refer to as a competency hearing.”

Forty-six US states have some version of the insanity defense on the books, with Utah, Montana, Idaho, and Kansas abolishing it. This defense was designed to divert people from incarceration who are incapable of understanding or controlling their criminal actions, and to help them get treatment (26). A Frontline article, entitled “From Daniel McNaughton to John Hinckley,” scrutinized the insanity defense in its circuitous trajectory.

Mr. Breivik was assessed twice (11/2011 and 04/2012) by psy- chiatrists and was given two different diagnoses: paranoid schiz- ophrenia and narcissistic personality disorder. If Mr. Breivik had the more serious diagnosis of paranoid schizophrenia, there has been no information released to the public that verifies or confirms antecedent behavior consistent with the condition.

Furthermore, Mr. Breivik never admitted to being preoccupied with delusions or auditory hallucinations. Mr. Breivik planned his actions meticulously over time. He equipped himself and selected

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Richie et al. An examination of the imposed insanity defense

with consideration specific targets to complete his mission: he admitted to making calculations and decisions on whether or not he should attack a school with younger children or attack a Labor Party summer camp instead. For some, based on the information presented, Mr. Breivik appeared to be in control of his actions, as he rationally executed his crusade. As discussed previously, the paranoid-type schizophrenia diagnosis announced by the prosecutor on November 29, 2011 seems to have been a strategic prosecutorial move, especially considering the lack of corroborating history in the defendant.

Through this case, the question arises as to whether or not the monstrosity of the crime automatically categorizes one as mentally ill and, therefore, qualifies for the insanity defense. If it does, then according to this logic, the terrorists who committed the atroci- ties in Oklahoma City and on 9/11 may have all been insane. This argument may be dismissed as rhetorical for at least two reasons:

1. An insanity defense is rarely successful when the person com- mitting a crime has an accomplice (as was the case in the Okla- homa City bombings and the attacks on New York, Washington, and Shanksville.) [Ref. (27), p. 647].

2. In order to assert that someone is insane, the evidence should at least be consistent with the minimum diagnostic criteria set for that illness. If Mr. Breivik suffered from paranoid schizophre- nia, it follows that he would have met the DSM-IV-TR criteria for a diagnosis.

Additionally, Mr. Breivik prefaced in his manifesto that the alacrity to judge him as insane would be an affront to those who are mentally ill. If the legal system should find Mr. Breivik insane, one could interpret this to be an apparent attempt to address or assuage those who would prefer to avoid the stigma that intolerant Nor- wegians like Breivik exist. On August 24, 2012, the court decided that Anders Breivik was criminally responsible for his behavior. The prosecution has registered its intent to appeal the decision.

The authors implore that all reasonable forensic mental-health professionals have their attention focused on the way that the Nor- wegian legal system handled this case. It will be interesting to see if the Frendak inquiry makes its way as precedent into the Norwegian court (should the prosecution appeal a verdict of insanity). As in the Frendak and Phenis cases, forensic mental-health professionals assigned to this case ought to consider engaging in a Frendak-like inquiry prior to an official order or risk having blame attributed to them after the fact for not having done so initially.

CURRENT CONSIDERATIONS According to Dr. Miller in 2002, “At least 17 jurisdictions permit insanity defenses to be entered over the objections of defendants” (28). In the same document, he advised that “forensic evaluators” consider “the implications of (the)” position (that) “the major reason for permitting such imposed defenses is a policy prefer- ence for preserving the dignity of the law.” Forensic evaluators do not have as their major goal the preservation of the dignity of the law. Rather, a forensic evaluator is motivated by the search for the truth. Perhaps evaluators working in these 17 jurisdictions need consider a pre-emptive exploration of the Frendak inquiry with the defendant, whether asked to do so or not. Currently, 4 states

(Utah, Montana, Idaho, and Kansas) have disallowed the insanity defense; therefore, forensic evaluators in these states need not be as concerned that they will retroactively be criticized for neglecting to conduct a Frendak inquiry, when they were not asked to do so initially.

CONCLUSION Paula Frendak’s case illustrated a situation where all parties but her concurred with a determination of her insanity. The case out- lined circumstances where an insanity defense might be imposed on a competent defendant, setting the precedent for the “Frendak inquiry.” Jurisdictions where Frendak is law have wrestled with this concept ever since.

Jamar Phenis’ case illustrates a situation where an attempt was made to use the “Frendak inquiry” ex post facto and on appeal. This resulted in the guilty verdict being upheld, but raises the issue of whether or not evaluators should engage in a Frendak inquiry whether asked to or not.

Anders Breivik’s case illustrates a situation where, in a reverse of the dominant paradigm, the prosecution attempted to obtain a Frendak-like outcome. The prosecution and the defense were not in agreement here. Mr. Breivik’s wishes to avoid the insanity defense imposed upon him held sway and he was found guilty in the trial court (29). The prosecution has registered intent to seek appeal.

The three cases described are similar in the following ways: (1) there were multiple pre-trial competency evaluations, (2) no Fren- dak inquiry was ordered during the pre-trial period, (3) the defense declined to mount an insanity defense or request an evaluation for insanity, and (4) the crimes committed in each of the cases would be classified as “Class-A” felonies in the United States. In 17 states of the USA, the death penalty is a potential outcome when the jury or judge issues a guilty verdict in some cases of a “Class-A felony.” Outside of those states, a guilty verdict in a “Class-A” felony can result in life in prison. The above cases were tried in jurisdictions without the death penalty.

According to Dr. Miller in 2002, there were 17 jurisdictions in the US where Frendak is law. Coincidently, there are currently seventeen states where there is no death penalty. Further research should be directed toward identifying those jurisdictions where Frendak is law and at the same time, the death penalty is not applied. In addition, efforts should be made to simplify the law in this complex area by implementing a more rational approach (30). Regardless of the co-occurrence of Frendak and life with- out parole, in the search for truth, the informed evaluator would be well advised to consider engaging the defendant in a Frendak inquiry whether asked to do so or not.

examine the ethical implications of a controversial topic related to forensic psychology.
Choose from the following topics:

1. Psychologists’ involvement in military interrogations

2. Psychologists’ involvement in assessments related to death penalty cases

In 1,500 words, consider the following:

1. Discuss human rights as it relates to the controversy.

2. Explain ethical implications that may arise for both sides of the controversy.

A minimum of four peer-reviewed sources and the textbook should be used to support this paper.

Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide, located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.

This assignment uses a rubric. Please review the rubric prior to beginning the assignment to become familiar with the expectations for successful completion.

You are required to submit this assignment to LopesWrite. Refer to the LopesWrite Technical Support articles for assistance.

What are your immediate reactions to the word step family?

What are your immediate reactions to the word step family? What narrative about stepfamilies are you familiar with? How do you define culture and how does the culture of a step family differ from biological family culture?

Complete your reflection in 2-3 pages, APA formatting with title page, and abstract in addition to the 2-3 pages of text reflection.

My personal information:

My name is Yazmillie Fuentes and I was born in Aibonito, Puerto Rico and raised in a small town named Cayey. I lived with my mother, maternal grandmother, brother, cousins and aunt. Although my mother divorced my dad when I was 1 year old, her accomplishment in becoming a business woman became my inspiration. Juggling between furthering my career, my wonderful four children and grandson has been my pride. However, it has also been a challenge that I have been trying to overcome, In spite of that, I know that I have the drive and ambition to keep moving forward. Being determined and setting goals for my future has always been a part of my personal experience. The field of Psychology caught my attention when I was in high school and I had taken an elective class in the tenth grade. I instantly felt the passion and I knew that this would someday be my career.  I had my first son when I was sixteen-years old, and my second when I was seventeen-years-old. I worked a full-time job while also attending college. With the help of my marvelous mother and cousin, I was able to complete my Bachelor’s Degree in Psychology. Within four years I received my Master’s degree in Counseling Psychology and in 2007, I graduated from the University of Turabo in Puerto Rico. I made the decision to move to Florida in 2007, to provide a better life for myself and my children. I prevailed through the hardships of the language

Copyright Information (bibliographic)

Document Type: Book Chapter

Title of book: Stepping In, Stepping Out: Creating Stepfamily Rhythm

Author of book: Joshua M. Gold

Chapter Title: Chapter 1 Introduction: What We Know About Stepfamilies

Author of Chapter: Joshua M. Gold

Year: 2016

Publisher: American Counseling Association

Place of Publishing: United States of America

The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted materials. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or reproduction is not to be used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research. If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of fair use that user may be liable for copyright infringement.

 

 

Introduction: What We Know About Stepfamilies

Stepfamily constellations represent a growing societal trend (Lewis & Kre­ ider, 2015; McGoldrick & Carter, 2011), and clinicians are almost guaranteed to work with stepfamily dynamics during the course of their careers. This book will draw on what is known about African American, Latino, gay, and lesbian stepfamilies in order to explore issues of cultural diversity within this specific context.

Two terms are used to describe the family constellation and its attendant dynamics that are the focus of this book. To my mind, stepfamily refers to a family system in which one of the spouses has previous children, and blended family denotes families in which both spouses have children from prior unions. In both instance, the number of external prior and evolving relationships remain the same. Within the family unit, the term stepchild is used to distinguish the child to whom one spouse is not the biological parent, while the generic term child refers to a spouse’s biological offspring.

This chapter will provide demographic data on stepfamilies in the United States, followed by a description of common social myths about stepfamilies and comments from stepfamily members about their lives. Each dominant social myth is deconstructed to illustrate that applica­ tion of narrative therapy to these popular notions regarding stepfamily life. Subsequent chapters explore myths about specific roles within the stepfamily system.

Stepfamily Demographic Data A stepfamily is defined as a household in which two adults are in a commit­ ted couple relationship and where at least one of the adults has a child or

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children from a previous relationship. Those children may be in residence, be jointly parented, or have reached an age of majority and left the family home. An estimated 9,100 new American stepfamilies are created each week. Fifty percent of all Americans have a step connection (Stewart, 2007). It is predicted that the stepfamily constellation will be the most common family form in the United States by 2020 (Visher & Visher, 2003).

The actual demographic data on stepfamilies seems more difficult to discern. Standard reporting systems, such as the U.S. Census, tend to underestimate the numbers of stepfamilies, because of either the lack of an agreed upon definition of what actually constitutes a stepfamily or budgetary constraints, resulting in the absence of marriage, divorce, and stepfamily reporting. Data collection may be confounded by living arrange­ ments that do not include formal marriage and multi-household families in which children move between two or more households (Crosbie-Burnett et al., 2005; Deal, 2014; Lewis & Kreider, 2015; Pew Research Center, 2011). Data collection that allows for such variation will provide researchers and clinicians with more accurate numbers of stepfamilies.

The emergence of stepfamilies in ever-growing numbers challenges family counselors to replace the “nuclear family” norm with more current exemplars of family dynamics relevant to, and stemming from, the step­ family experience (Felker, Fromme, Arnaut, & Stoll, 2002; Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 2002; Gosselin & David, 2007). Stepfamilies have always formed part of the family constellation of society; however, the recent growth of divorce rates and subsequent remarriages have expanded their numbers (Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 2002; Inhinger-Tallman & Cooney, 2005). Four recent U.S. presidents (Barack Obama, Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan, and Gerald Ford) were members of stepfamilies.

An initial examination of the data describing the context of family diversity will serve to substantiate the numbers and growth of step­ families in America. Carter and McGoldrick (2005b) claimed that “more than 1h of Americans today have been, are now or will eventually be in one or more stepfamilies during their lives” (p. 417). According to Pew Research Center (2011) data and Lewis and Kreider (2015), more than 40% of adults have at least one steprelative in their family. While initially stepfamilies were formed when widows or widowers remarried, more recently divorced adults are remarrying and forming stepfamilies. In 2002, 55% of first marriages ended in divorce (Gately, Pike, & Murphy, 2006); more recent data lower that figure to about 50% if both legal di­ vorces and long-term separations are combined (Stanley, 2015), and a majority of those adults (65% of women and 70% of men) will remarry (Portrie & Hill, 2005; Wilkes & Fromme, 2002). Usually women remarry within 3-5 years and men remarry within 1-2 years of the dissolution of the previous relationship (Gately et al., 2006), and either one or both partners most often bring children to the new union (Mahoney, 2006). The result is that 33% of all Americans are in stepfamily relationships (Malia, 2005), including an estimated 10 million stepchildren under the age of 18 (Wilkes & Fromme, 2002).

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Introduction

Some demographic statistics are relevant to understanding the stepfam­ ily numbers. Unless otherwise noted, the data are from the U.S. Census Bureau (2007), the most recent data available.

• About 35 million Americans in the U.S. are remarried. • An additional 36 million Americans are divorced or widowed (pos­

sibly finding themselves in a remarriage at some point). • About 46% of all marriages today are a remarriage for one or both

partners, and about 65% of remarriages involve children from the prior marriage and, thus, form stepfamilies.

• Approximately one third of all weddings in America today form stepfamilies (Deal, 2014).

• The divorce rate for remarried and stepfamily couples varies but is at least 60% (Falke & Larson, 2007).

• Second marriages (with or without children) have a 60% rate of divorce, and 73% of third marriages end in divorce (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006); at least two thirds of stepfamily couples divorce and divorce occurs more quickly in stepfamilies than first marriages (Halford et al., 2007; Michaels, 2006)

• An estimated one third of children will live in a stepparent home before the age of 18 (Parker, 2007), and 50% will have a stepparent at some point in their lifetime (Deal, 2014; Stewart, 2007).

• An estimated 40% of women will live in a married or cohabiting stepfamily home at some point (Stewart, 2007).

These facts reveal the growing prevalence of stepfamilies in society as a whole (Lewis & Kreider, 2015).

Issues of Cultural Diversity and Stepfamily Demographics

As stated in the Preface, this book will discuss four culturally distinct groups of stepfamilies for which there is some research: Latino, African American, gay, and lesbian stepfamilies. (In this section only, gay and lesbian stepfamilies’ demographic data are reported together.) All of these groups are underes­ timated and underreported in the literature (Pew Research Center, 2011).

Latinos currently made up 12.5% of the total U.S. population, and that percentage will grow to 24.4% by 2050 (Reck, Bigginbotham, Skogrand, & Davis, 2012). It has been reported that 16% of Latino children are members of stepfamilies (Inhinger-Tallman & Cooney, 2005). Plunkett, Williams, Schock, and Sands (2007) identified Latino stepfamilies as the fastest grow­ ing family structure within the Latino population (p. 5). In addition, 38% of women between the ages of 18 and 36 gave birth while they were unmar­ ried, and they tend to view the current family system as a first marriage rather than as a stepfamily because there was no marriage to the father of the child/ren. In addition, divorce rates among Latinos mirror those rates of Caucasians, with a 52% divorce rate; 44% remarry within 4 years. In

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Stepping In, Stepping Out: Creating Stepfamily Rhythm

this population, repartnering seems more prevalent than does remarriage, removing these repartnered stepfamilies from any current categories used by formal census data collecting agencies.

Stewart (2007) decried “the few studies on racial and ethnic diversity” (p. 20), and Carey (2009) claimed that”an exhaustive review revealed an absence of the African American family in stepfamily research” (p. 2); a 2015 search of the literature suggests that nothing has been published in this area since Carey’s 2009 review. Among African American families, confusion regarding the number of stepfamilies is based on the incidences of nonmarital births and the number of cohabiting couples. Cutrona, Russell, Burzette, Wesner, and Bryant (2011) determined that 54% of cohabiting couples had residential children. However, cohabiting arrangements or common-law marriages are not counted as family units. Adler-Baeder, Russell, et al. (2010) found that, in 2006, 70.7% of children born to African American mothers were nonmarital births, so marriage would actually be a first marriage rather than remarriage. This practice then further confounds accurate definitions of stepfamilies among this group and raises questions about the accuracy of data collection.

Gay and lesbian stepfamilies are “virtually ignored in stepfamily research” (Lynch, 2000, p. 82) and are “absent from most estimates of stepfamilies” (Stewart, 2007, p. 20). However, as Fredriksen-Goldsen and Erera (2003) noted, “significant numbers of gay and lesbian families have claimed the rights to raise children and live as a family” (p. 172). Lacking “hard” data, Crosbie-Burnett et al. (2005) estimated that gay and lesbian families account for 30% of households in the United States with children under 18, numbering between 2 and 8 million, and that gay and lesbian couples are raising 3-14 million children, a number which may increase based on the dissolution rates of gay and lesbian relationships and on the greater numbers of gay and lesbian individuals having children. Claxton-Oldfield and O’Neil (2007) reported that 22% of households headed by lesbians had residential children, compared to 5% of gay couples. Stewart (2007) estimated that 1 out of 9 cohabiting couples is same-sex; in the 2000 U.S. Census Bu­ reau data, 33% of female same-sex households and 22% of male same-sex households include children. It is not known whether families where the child/ren predate the current relationship or whether the child/ren are a product of the current relationship would be categorized as a “stepfamily.”

The number of stepfamilies is expected to exceed the number of nuclear families in the United States in the near future (Felker et al., 2002). The U.S. Census Bureau figures published in 2000 are said to have underestimated the actual number of stepchildren; only one “householder” is identified for census purposes, and the children could be those of the spouse but are not counted, as those children may not be the biological children of the identified head of household. Therefore, while official censuses can­ not enumerate accurately the numbers of stepfamilies either in total or by specified culturally diverse groups, their numbers cannot be ignored (Michaels, 2006). Consequently, it is critical for family-focused mental health professionals to separate dominant social myths from reality where stepfamilies are concerned.

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Introduction

Myths About Stepfamilies

Portrayals of stepfamilies in popular television shows such as the Brady Bunch and Eight is Enough of stepmothers in fairy tales such as Cinderella, Snow White, Hansel and Gretel, and of either overly strict or abusive stepfathers influence both the family members and mental health profes­ sionals into distinctly biased views of stepfamilies (Jones, 2003). A basis for building a strong stepfamily is an understanding of its realities as well as a debunking of its myths and honoring its strengths. Understanding the myths and realities helps stepfamily members, and mental health profes­ sionals, appreciate what is normal as a stepfamily develops, leading to more reasonable expectations for family life.

Five of the most common myths about stepfamilies are described in the sections that follow (Jones, 2003).

Myth #l: Stepfamily Blending Happens Quickly

There is a conception that the proximity of two previously unconnected family systems will manifest itself into instantaneous affection and become an instant family, much like those affections portrayed on popular televi­ sion, with the concurrent belief that the absence of such a transformation indicates pending failure for the new stepfamily. Given the incomplete institutionalization of stepfamily blending (Cherlin, 1978), caricatures found in popular media often suffice as actual exemplars. This dominant narrative also implies that the transition ought to be easily accomplished, with no relational setbacks along the way; disagreement on how to be a “stepfamily” or conflict as roles are negotiated and settled implies a weakness in the system or the poor selection of a partnerI new stepparent. The expectations that transition should be seamless sets couples up with unreasonable expectations.

Myth #2: A Stepfamily Is the Same as a First Marriage Family

An uninformed observer might believe that all families with two adults and one or more children are comparable and that the current marriage must represent the initial marriage for each partner, obviating postdivorce or marital dissolution tensions, relations with ex-spouses, or the complexity of coparenting. This belief is based on several assumptions: that the marital relationship is the priority, that parents have equal authority, that the marital relationship has had time to solidify prior to the arrival of children, that the parents share an equal history with each child, and that no other affective ties exist between children and other parental figures. These assumptions vastly overlook the complexity of stepfamily dynamics.

Myth #3: Children Whose Parents Divorce and Remarry Are Damaged Permanently

There can be no disputing the pain and anger caused by marital divorce, custody proceedings, and the upheaval of every aspect of one’s life for

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Stepping In, Stepping Out: Creating Stepfamily Rhythm

children of any age. Moreover, this upheaval is repeated with the introduc­ tion of a stepparent and perhaps stepsiblings. It is no wonder that loyalty conflicts and the uncertainty of stepfamily life take an emotional toll on children. This emotional toll may be expressed in inappropriate school behaviors, home conflicts, and social acting out. These easily recognizable “cries of distress” mislead others into thinking that the disruptiveness and trauma of this transition are normative and enduring. Moreover, it is easier to document those children struggling with this transition rather than those for whom the conversion to the stepfamily was an easier process.

Myth #4: Children Need to Withdraw From Their Nonresidential Parent to Bond With a Stepparent

Consistent with the legal perspective that a child can have only two parents, children are sometimes expected to relinquish any expectation of the divorced parent as active and involved and, equally traumatically, to replace that spouse with an individual with whom the child shares no family history and a negligible emotional connection. The myth is premised on the belief that continued contact and emotional attachment with the nonresidential parent will interfere with the transition to the new stepfamily. Just as one’s parent has “replaced” the divorced spouse with the new spouse, so too are children to “divorce” the parent who no longer resides in the family home and instead to replace that parent figure with the new stepparent.

Myth #5: Remarriages That Follow a Death Go More Smoothly Than Those That Occur After a Divorce

There is an assumption that the physical passing of a spouse/ parent equates to an emotional relinquishment of that relationship and that stepfamilies that form after a death will evolve easily because the new stepparent can fill the relational void. This belief is influenced in part by comparing the stepfamily formed when divorced adults remarry; the divorced spouse remains a “pres­ ent” parent, confounding the status of the new stepparent and generating loyalty conflicts between the children and the new parental holon.

Narratives: Stepfamily Members Describe Their Own Lives

The following comments are examples of the countless postings on Internet chat rooms.

Everyone has a compelling story to tell. Every single person within a stepfamily structure could break your heart with their side of things. I try to remember that in my own stepfamily life when I want to lash out because I’m hurt or angry or just grieving that I’m in a stepfamily at all at the same time that I’m happy I’m in one. It’s complicated. Our families are all complicated. But it’s so easy to get stuck in our own version of things. When I read angry, hurtful letters and comments on this site I see deep pain.

-Retrieved from http:/ /www.noonesthebitch.com (10/29/2012)

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Introduction

To survive and have a successful marriage is no easy task. Stir in children from a previous marriage, ex-spouses, ex-in-laws, and the extra baggage from previous relationships and you will realize just how different the stepfamily is. Each of these ingredients can bring with it a whole set of problems themselves that need to be dealt with.

-Retrieved from http: I /www.hicow.com/ step family I marriage/ invisible-man-I.html (10/29 /2012)

As a step and bio Mom, I know that it is not uncommon for tension, compromise, and confusion to rule when the role of parent is shared between a step and biological parent. Some people still feel that step­ parents aren’t “real” parents, but our culture has no norms to suggest how they are different. And the less our roles are defined, the more unhappy we are as both parents and stepparents. Another role ambiguity is that society seems to expect acquired parents and children to instantly love each other in much the same way as biological parents and their children do. In reality, however, this is often just not so. A stepparent might feel a tremendous amount of guilt about his or her lack of positive feelings (or even the presence of negative feelings) toward the spouse’s children. As a stepparent, you might feel like an unbiased observer with a grudge because you’re an outsider and the very thing that’s making you “unbiased” is something you resent, biology. Stepchildren, as well, often don’t react to their parent’s new spouse as though he or she were the “real” parent. The irony of expecting instant “real” parent-child love is further complicated by the fact that stepparents are not gener­ ally expected to be “equal” in discipline or otherwise controlling their stepchildren. Another reason for a difficult stepparent-child relationship might be that your child does not want this marriage to work, and so, acts out with hostility. Commonly children harbor fantasies that their biological parents will reunite. If children had reservations about or strongly disapproved of your divorce, they may sabotage your new relationships in the hope that you will get back together. Children who want their natural parents to remarry may feel that sabotaging the new relationship will get them back together. Although all stepchildren and stepparents are to some degree uncomfortable with some aspect of their new family role, certain difficulties are more likely to affect stepmothers, and others are more common to stepfathers. As a stepparent, your best shot at happiness is to ignore the myths and negative images and to work to stay optimistic. Society also seems, on the one hand, to expect romantic, almost mythical loving relationships between stepmothers and children while, at the same time, portraying stepmothers as cruel, vain, selfish, competitive, and even abusive. -Retrieved from http:/ /becomingastepmom.wordpress.com (10/29 /2012)

Deconstructing the Myths

Narrative-theory clinicians believe that clients commonly “report a sense of helplessness and blame-filled descriptions of each member and the relation­ ships between them” (Williams & Kurtz, 2009, p. 182). It is the adherences to these problem-saturated descriptions, not the individuals involved,

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Stepping In, Stepping Out: Creating Stepfamily Rhythm

which constitute the focus of deconstruction. The process of deconstruction provides a critical analysis of texts to establish that the dominant narratives are simply that; one possible story or explanation for an event. When clients accept this, generating alternative explanations, founded in the client’s lived experience and clinician’s professional knowledge, becomes possible (Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 2013; Nichols, 2011; Williams & Kurtz, 2009). Out of those thickened narratives, which replace the dominant social nar­ ratives, come new ways to foster a more realistic and empowering vision of shared stepfamily values and beliefs.

Deconstructing Myth #l: Stepfamily Blending Happens Quickly

It can take anywhere from 4 to 7 years for a stepfamily to blend successfully (Visher & Visher, 1996, 2003; Visher, Visher, & Pasley, 1997). One rule of thumb is that, for each child, the evolution process takes twice as long as the child’s chronological age at the time of the step family formation. Therefore, the process of stepfamily bonding, assuming all other dynamics are equal, will happen more quickly for younger children and more slowly the older the child; in fact, family bonding may never occur if the stepchildren are teens. As discussed in the next chapter, this process involves five distinct developmental stages, each of which must be completed successfully to meet the challenges of later stages.

When stepfamily members buy into the myth of “instant blending,” they may think that something is wrong with their family when it seems to take a long time for things to settle down. This may turn into self-blaming, lead­ ing one partner (usually the stepparent) to withdraw from the new family system. Questioning the system itself or one’s place within that system bodes poorly for its continuity. This dismay may be part of the reason for the greater rate of dissolution of second, and subsequent, marriages (about 65%) during the first 3 years. If one believes that the turmoil and stress of transition are permanent features of the relationship, stepparents may be tempted to give up on their new family prematurely.

Deconstructing Myth #2: A Stepfamily Is the Same as a First-Marriage Family

Stepfamily members may have a tendency to inappropriately compare their family to the “ideal” first-marriage families they know. The professional literature labels this tendency as a “deficiency comparison model” (Carter & McGoldrick, 2005a). In theory, a “deficit comparison” approach is based on appraisals between one normative experience and deviant experiences, with those experiences that do not match the normative model decried as inferior. However, the very real differences between stepfamilies and first­ marriage families should be seen not as deficiencies in the stepfamily but rather as expressions of its uniqueness. Stepfamily development is more complex and challenging than nuclear family development (see Chapter 2), and part of the complexity derives from the lack of societal institutionaliza­ tion for the roles and functioning in the stepfamily. (Social institutionalization

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Introduction

refers to a set of common practices that seem to epitomize the way that different social groups tend to behave; Cherlin, 1978.) This notion can be compared to a floor plan for a home that allows for individual expression but adheres to commonly accepted practice in construction. This type of “family blueprint” does not yet exist for stepfamilies, which means that individuals often experience apprehension and wonder whether they are doing things “right.”

Deconstructing Myth #3: Children Whose Parents Divorce and Remarry Are Damaged Permanently

The assertion of “permanent dysfunction” among children of divorce and in stepfamilies seems to generalize a point-in-time evaluation of a child’s functioning without adequate reassessment over time. Clearly the initial period of stepfamily formation may be difficult, as individuals find that their roles and relationships are reconfigured with external family members, such as non-residential parents and grandparents. This instability may manifest itself in children’s school and social behaviors. However, this “acting out” is a symptom of the uncertainty of the stepfamily and will resolve itself over time with appropriate intervention to help the child/ren understand the stepfamily evolution and how to navigate a more complex relational web; extreme expressions of uncertainty and anger generally wane over time as the stepfamily system settles itself.

Nevertheless, about a third of children of divorce have long-term ad­ justment difficulties, usually as a function of continued conflict between the ex-spouses, not as a function of inclusion in the stepfamily. In these instances, children are “emotional victims” of the anger, resentment, and loyalty conflicts between their parents; the stepfamily processes and inte­ gration itself is not a factor. When divorced parents can construct effective coparenting relationships, their children adjust and are satisfied in their new families.

Deconstructing Myth #4: Children Need to Withdraw From Their Nonresidential Parent to Bond With a Stepparent

Divorce or spousal separation speaks to the dissolution of marital ties but states nothing about the dissolution of parent-child relationships. In the best of circumstances, continued contact between children and the absent biological parent affirms for the child the continued love, affection, and support of the absent parent. When children aren’t allowed contact with the nonresidential parent, they tend to have idealized fantasies about him or her. Left without occasional “reality checks,” children may develop expecta­ tions to which a stepparent can never fully measure up. Normally, the best situation for a child’s growth and development is continued contact with both biological parents after divorce. This suggestion flies in the face of legal statute, which firmly states that a child can only have two “parents.” However, this legal stipulation overlooks the emotional needs and reality of children in stepfamilies. In recognition of those needs, it is suggested

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Stepping In, Stepping Out: Creating Stepfamily Rhythm

that stepfamily imaging include how the biological parents and stepparents can all contribute to meeting the emotional needs of all children involved, in a way that calls on the strengths of each stepfamily adult member and forms an overt commitment to set aside any lingering spousal animosity for the sake of the children.

Deconstructing Myth #5: Remarriages That Follow a Death Go More Smoothly Than Those That Occur After a Divorce

It can be simply asserted that remarriage is a complex reorganization of family affective ties, regardless of how the prior relationship ended. While home may be more peaceful following an acrimonious divorce, children may view the remarriage as a betrayal of the absent parent, for whom the children retain strong ties of history and affection, regardless of the par­ ent’s choice of a new partner. The separation of the roles of “husband” and “father,” one now passed and the other still active, remains a residue from the legal battles of the divorce, requiring present and absent spouses to resolve any lingering marital issues or, at least, to ensure that those issues do not contaminate ongoing coparenting. The issues also emerge in cases of a parent’s death. A parent who has died may also acquire a “halo,” or image of perfection that makes it very difficult for a stepparent to enter and integrate with the new family. The physical absence of the departed spouse cannot be confused with the children’s relinquishment of emotional attachments, some of which may grow even stronger in the absence of the deceased spouse as selective memory paints an idealized version of that parent. In addition, any attempt to convince the children that the new parent will “replace” the deceased parent will end poorly. Rather, the ap­ proach should be to augment rather than replace a parental role. Legally, children can only have two parents at any given time, but in their hearts, children can hold room for multiple parenting figures, each providing love, acceptance, and nurturance in unique ways.

This section has offered five examples of the deconstruction of popular dominant narratives about stepfamilies. If there is truth and guiding principle in the statement that “knowledge is power,” then this process of replac­ ing what society thinks with what the clinician knows and the stepfamily lives on a daily basis provides a counterbalance to the prevalent myths. While this transition needs to be translated into new interaction styles, the replacement of myths that foster confusion and hopelessness with more realistic and positive perspectives is a critical foundation.

Conclusion

The number of stepfamilies in society as a whole and among specified cul­ turally diverse populations is growing, and clinicians are likely to encounter them in their practices. Clinicians would do well to consider how best to make stepfamily relationships more satisfactory and perhaps to offset the rise in the dissolution rate of second and subsequent marriages. As McGold­ rick and Carter (2011, p. 317) advised, “the key that determines whether

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Introduction

the issue is transitional or has permanent crippling impact is whether it is handled adequately within the. family system in spite of the general lack of social support offered by society.” Therefore, family empowerment and advocacy, based on the integration of professional knowledge and lived experience, is a critical step toward understanding the distinction between what society purports and what the professional literature reveals about stepfamilies.

Resources

Anonymous. (2011). A portrait ofstepfamilies. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from http:/ /www.pewsocialtrends.org/2011/0l/13/ A presentation and analysis of emerging demographic trends in stepfamilies

Duncan, S. F. (n.d.). Recognizing stepfamily myths, realities, and strengths. Forever Families. Retrieved from https:/ /foreverfamilies.byu.edu/ Pages Is tepfamilies I Recognizing-Stepfamily-Myths,-Reali ties ,-and­ Strengths.aspx A listing of seven stepfamily myths and strengths

Lintermans, G. (2011). Replace stepfamily myths with realistic expectations. Retrieved from http:/ /stepfamilysolutions.blogspot.com/2011/07I replace-stepfamily-myths-with-realistic.html A self-report to normalize the complexity of stepfamily relationships

Stewart, S. D. (2006). Brave new stepfamilies. National Healthy Marriage Resource Center. Retrieved from www.healthymarriageinfo.org/ A presentation and analysis of emerging demographic trends in step families

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http:www.healthymarriageinfo.org
http:foreverfamilies.byu.edu
www.pewsocialtrends.org/2011/0l/13

barrier. I had to find a way to adjust with limited job openings during that time. I was able to find a job in a daycare facility as a teacher, where I discovered working with children and helping families were also my passion. Also, during this period I got married and had two more children.

Benchmark- Career Exploration/ Short Research Paper

Research two or three career paths of interest in your prospective field. In 750-1,000 words, include the following:

  • Labor market and availability (e.g., location)
  • Income range
  • Education/training needed
  • Job availability
  • Future stability
  • Time Demands
  • Benefits
  • Challenges (e.g., burnout propensity)
  • Opportunities for advancement
  • Does it match your skill level?
  • Does it align with your personality? Value system?
  • Summarize which path best suits you and your career choices. Explain why.
  • Discuss any surprising factors surrounding the career paths of your prospective field.

At least two to three scholarly, peer reviewed sources published within the last five years are required for this assignment.

Prepare this assignment according to the guidelines found in the APA Style Guide located in the Student Success Center. An abstract is not required.

The career path are: Mental Health Specialist, Forensic Interviewer in Los Angeles or California

My degree that i am obtaining is a masters in psychology