Cross-Cultural Research For Positive Social Change

Cross-cultural research can make significant and indeed truly extraordinary contributions to positive social change. Studies in multiple nations can examine issues of race, class, and gender and provide data and evidence that may be utilized to inform social policies and projects to move society towards more equity and fewer health disparities. Additionally, cross-cultural research can help inform discussions about best treatment and intervention practices, and how these treatments and practices are best adapted and modified to be most effective to diverse groups.

Examine social issues related to cross-cultural research and positive social change.

Psychological research is more than an intellectual exercise. Data and evidence from cross-cultural work can be utilized to implement positive social change. For example, psychologists have worked on such social issues as global poverty, health disparities, and equality among groups. Other examples for positive social change one can consider how such research can be utilized to improve treatments and interventions for psychological disorders or for educational programs. For example, if research was only conducted in one culture, psychologists would not know whether the educational or therapy intervention that worked well in one culture works well or even works at all in another culture. Thus, conducting cross-cultural research can really lead to improved outcomes in many domains of relevance, such as in schools and in the counseling center.

Examine a social issue and explore ways that cross-cultural research can impact positive social change.

Post and briefly describe the social issue you selected and explain at least three ways that cross-cultural psychology research can inform policy change to improve society.

Note: Be sure to support your postings and responses with specific references to the Learning Resources and identify current relevant literature to support your work.

nity-based approach to assisting war-affected children. In U. P. Gielen, J. Fish, & J. G. Draguns (Eds.), Handbook of culture, therapy, and healing (pp. 321–341). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.

Wessells, M., & Monteiro, C. (2006). Psychosocial assis- tance for youth: Toward reconstruction for peace in An- gola. Journal of Social Issues, 62(1), 121–139.

Wessells, M., & Winter, D. (Eds.). (1998). The Graca Machel/UN Study on the effects of war on children [Special issue]. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 4.

Do No Harm: Toward Contextually Appropriate Psychosocial Support in

International Emergencies Michael G. Wessells

Columbia University and Randolph-Macon College

In the aftermath of international emergencies caused by natural disasters or armed conflicts, strong needs exist for psychosocial support on a large scale. Psychologists have developed and applied frameworks and tools that have helped to alleviate suffering and promote well-being in emergency settings. Unfortunately, psychological tools and approaches are sometimes used in ways that cause unintended harm. In a spirit of prevention and wanting to support critical self-reflection, the author outlines key issues and widespread violations of the do no harm imperative in emergency contexts. Prominent issues include contextual insensitivity to issues such as security, humanitarian coordination, and the inappropriate use of various methods; the use of an individualistic orientation that does not fit the context and culture; an excessive focus on deficits and victimhood that can undermine

empowerment and resilience; the use of unsustainable, short-term approaches that breed dependency, create poorly trained psychosocial workers, and lack appropriate emphasis on prevention; and the imposition of outsider approaches. These and related problems can be avoided by the use of critical self-reflection, greater specificity in ethical guidance, a stronger evidence base for intervention, and improved methods of preparing international humanitarian psychologists.

Keywords: psychosocial support, emergencies, unintended harm, resilience, cultural insensitivity

Large-scale emergencies such as tsunamis and armed con- flicts create not only massive physical destruction but also an enormous toll of psychological and social suffering (Boothby, Strang, & Wessells, 2006; Cardozo, Talley, Bur- ton, & Crawford, 2004; de Jong, 2002; Marsella, Borne- mann, Ekblad, & Orley, 1994; Miller & Rasco, 2004; Mollica, Pole, Son, Murray, & Tor, 1997; Reyes & Jacobs, 2006; van der Kolk, McFarlane, & Weisaeth, 1996; Wilson & Drozdek, 2004) in the low- and middle-income countries where most disasters strike. Prominent sources of suffering include attack, losses of home and loved ones, displace- ment, family separation, gender-based violence, and expo- sure to myriad protection issues such as recruitment into armed groups and trafficking.

A decade ago, mental health and psychosocial supports in international emergencies were relegated to the humani- tarian ghetto and seen as things to be done after the “real” humanitarian work of saving lives had been completed. This has changed as public awareness of the aftermath of emergencies has increased, and psychosocial supports have become familiar fixtures in the humanitarian response to disasters. More than any other single event, the 2004 Asian tsunami brought home to people worldwide the enormity of the psychosocial needs that emergencies create.

The expanded awareness of the importance of psychoso- cial intervention has brought an expansion of psychosocial interventions. Many practitioners, myself included, regard this as a positive development, because there is increasing evidence of the efficacy of psychosocial interventions in addressing issues of trauma (e.g., Barbanel & Sternberg, 2006; Carll, 2007; Green et al., 2003), depression (Bolton et al., 2007), family separation (Hepburn, 2006), recruit- ment (Betancourt et al., 2008), and related issues and in promoting resilience and positive coping by survivors and communities (e.g., Barber, 2009).

At the same time, practitioners increasingly recognize that there are risks involved with psychosocial interven- tions that may lead to unintentional harm (Anderson, 1999; Inter-Agency Standing Committee [IASC], 2007; Wessells, 2008). Here is a small sampling of do no harm violations I have seen in various countries.

Editor’s Note Michael G. Wessells received the International Humanitar- ian Award. Award winners are invited to deliver an award address at the APA’s annual convention. A version of this award address was delivered at the 117th annual meeting, held August 6–9, 2009, in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Arti- cles based on award addresses are reviewed, but they dif- fer from unsolicited articles in that they are expressions of the winners’ reflections on their work and their views of the field.

842 November 2009 ● American Psychologist

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In 1996 in Rwanda, orphans from the 1994 genocide were placed in small orphanages or centers, many of which were funded by Western groups, including churches, who wanted to provide care and protection for unaccompanied and separated children. An unfortunate and unanticipated consequence was that the centers contributed to family sep- aration, as mothers desperate to support their babies aban- doned the babies on the orphanages’ doorsteps.

In 1999 in Tirana, Albania, where camps filled with Kos- sovar survivors of Serb attacks, an American psychologist had set up a tent for counseling women survivors of rape. For a woman to have entered the tent would have identi- fied herself as a survivor of rape, which many families re- gard as a stain on family honor that must be rectified by killing the survivor.

In 2002 in rural Sierra Leone, international nongovern- mental organizations (NGOs) worked after the war to sup- port the reintegration of formerly recruited children. Unfor- tunately, most programs privileged former boy combatants, despite the fact that large numbers of girls had also been recruited (McKay & Mazurana, 2004; Wessells, 2006). This gender discrimination was itself a significant source of structural violence and psychosocial distress.

The longer one’s engagement in humanitarian work, the greater one’s appreciation of its complexity, the potential for harm, and the need to address a number of important issues. These include contextual insensitivity to the cul- tural, structural, and political aspects of emergency situa- tions; excessive focus on deficits such as mental health problems without sufficient attention to resilience and cop- ing; overreliance on individualistic approaches; power abuses such as the imposition of outsider approaches; and the provision of inadequate training and supervision for staff, among others.

It is an understatement to say that there is a shortage of easy answers to countless ethical questions. To obtain ethi- cal guidance, practitioners often turn to professional codes such as the American Psychological Association (APA) Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct (APA, 2002; hereafter referred to as the Code of Ethics). Although these codes do offer some useful guidance, they are typically written around general principles and seldom consider the specific, highly sensitive issues that arise in contexts of humanitarian emergencies. This lack of speci- ficity makes it very difficult to define what constitutes ethi- cal and appropriate practice in international emergencies.

There is also inadequate research and training. The pau- city of research on which interventions work in large-scale international emergencies (Batniji, Van Ommeren, & Sara- ceno, 2006; Betancourt & Williams, 2008; Wessells & van Ommeren, 2008) has enabled an “anything goes” atmo- sphere. This is exacerbated by a lack of appropriate train- ing. Many doctorate-level psychologists trained in North American and European universities lack the cultural, hu-

manitarian, and other competencies needed to do responsi- ble, contextually appropriate psychosocial work in large- scale emergencies. Because of these factors, it is not uncommon for psychosocial interventions in emergencies to violate the do no harm imperative that is a cornerstone of the principle of beneficence.

In this article, I identify some of the primary do no harm issues that have surfaced repeatedly in my global work responding to armed conflicts as well as natural di- sasters. I write not from a high moral ground of assuming “I would never cause harm!” but from a humbler, grounded perspective that recognizes that all interventions (and even one’s presence) in emergencies have unintended consequences, including negative ones. Because emergen- cies are fluid, potentially volatile, and riddled with uncer- tainties and complexities, it is relatively easy even for sea- soned practitioners to cause harm. Still, much harm can be avoided through awareness; appropriate preparation and ethical standards; and a critical, reflective stance. This arti- cle is written in the spirit of enabling the awareness and critical reflection needed to prevent harm. Admittedly, it does not provide exhaustive coverage of this essential topic.

An important caveat is that what counts as a harmful practice is in the eye of the beholder. Indeed, the identifi- cation of harmful practices and judgments about the bal- ance of positive or negative effects of particular practices reflects one’s values as well as technical considerations. The question Whose values matter most? is salient because the values of humanitarians often collide with those of the affected population. To manage this issue, I focus on fre- quently occurring practices that have been identified as problematic not only by Western psychologists but also by national psychosocial workers in diverse contexts. Al- though the emphasis here is on unintentional harm caused by U.S. psychologists, the key points apply to all psycholo- gists and people who conduct psychosocial work in emer- gency settings. Because many of these people are not psy- chologists but psychiatrists, social workers, or trained paraprofessionals, I speak broadly of the unintended harm caused by psychosocial workers.

Insensitivity to Emergency Contexts and Systems

In emergency settings, one often encounters well-meaning U.S. psychologists who have no experience in international emergencies, little understanding of the local culture or context, and no relationships with the agencies or people in the affected areas. Although the psychologists are nobly motivated by the feeling that “I just had to come and help,” this approach has been described as “disaster tour- ism” or “parachuting” rather than as professional humani- tarian response.

843November 2009 ● American Psychologist

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Parachuting

Paraphrasing

Instruction

hand, seeks to give account of the interconnection of processes which are evinced by our own consciousness, or which we infer from such manifestations of the bodily life in other creatures as indicate the presence of a consciousness similar to our own.

2.We can, therefore, no more separate the processes of bodily life from conscious processes than we can mark off an outer experience, mediated by sense perceptions, and oppose it, as something wholly separate and apart, to what we call ‘inner’ experience, the events of our own consciousness …

3. Psychologists, it is true, have been apt to take a different attitude towards physiology. They have tended to regard as superfluous any reference to the physical organism; they have supposed that nothing more is required for a science of mind than the direct apprehension of conscious processes themselves.

JOURNAL ARTICLE

All journal entries should be two pages written in APA format.  Your journal entry should reflect the assigned course readings. In addition, please use citation or paraphrase from the chapter readings. For example, Woodside M. & McClam T. (2015) stated ” human beings are not always able to meet their own needs.” Remember this is an example, do not use the same quote, and lastly, remember to proofread before submission.

If you have never searched for an article in the Library’s database below are the instructions.

You will need to search for the journal article from the TCC Library Database.

*On the TCC home page click the Library Tab and it will take you the the TCC Library

* In the large section type in ” Type in the title of your article”  In this case the article you are to write on is..

Improving Human Service Effectiveness Through the Deconstruction of Case Management: A Case Study on the Emergence of a Team-Based Model of Service Coordination

When you locate this article you can read it by clicking the title or selecting the HTML full text of the PDF Full text.

*Read the article then summarize what you have read and write your paper.

Improving Human Service Effectiveness Through the Deconstruction of Case Management: A Case Study on the Emergence of a Team-Based Model of Service Coordination

Stephen R. Block

Nonprofit Management Concentration, School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado–Denver, Colorado, USA; Rocky Mountain Human Services, Denver, Colorado, USA

Lance Wheeland

Rocky Mountain Human Services, Denver, Colorado, USA

Steven Rosenberg

Department of Psychiatry, University of Colorado–Denver, Anschutz Medical Campus, Aurora, Colorado, USA

This case study describes the development of an innovative case management team model consisting of functional specialists. Ten years of comparative data demonstrate client satisfaction, a significant reduction of health and safety concerns, and a transformation to a more effective and efficient model of case management.

Keywords: accountability, case management, planned change, program effectiveness, team model

INTRODUCTION

Human service organizations rely on the practice of case management to effectively serve individ- uals with complex needs while “simultaneously seeking to reduce utilization and costs” (Murer & Brick, 1997, p. 40). The task of providing efficient and effective case management services is both a complex and pressing task, especially during periods of stagnated or reduced funding. Funders, such as the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and private foundations, will often require evidence of quality care, financial efficiency, and organizational effectiveness (Carman, 2009; Golensky, 2011). Not surprisingly, case managers are more likely to focus their clinical concerns on meeting the needs of people on their caseloads, and are less inclined to worry about cost containment and the outcomes sought by funders (Cornelius, 1994). That task of ensuring that

Correspondence should be addressed to Stephen R. Block, School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado–Denver, P.O. Box 173364, Campus Box 142, Denver, CO 80217-3364, USA. E-mail: stephen.block@ucdenver.edu

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IMPROVING CASE MANAGEMENT 17

case management services are efficient and effective is the responsibility of organizational program managers, executive directors, and boards of directors.

By assessing his or her human service organization’s strengths and weaknesses, an executive director exercises accountability (Kearns, 1994). Another accountability exercise includes scanning the external environment to determine whether there exist more effective tools and methods for delivering services than are currently used in one’s organization. If more effective practice tools and alternatives become evident, then adopting those methods and implementing organizational change should be the optimal strategic response. As stated by Latta (2009, p. 35), “change resides at the heart of leadership.” What should an executive director do in response to an organizational assessment that reveals less than adequate results through traditional methods of case management? Without alternative case management models to adopt and replicate, one option is to try to improve existing practices. Another approach is to abandon current practices and develop an alternative. Some might consider organizational experimentation to be a high-risk management decision. Others might view organizational experimentation as a necessary risk management decision, especially after weighing both the human and financial outcomes associated with maintaining the status quo.

The risks associated with a planned change effort can be mitigated by using an established orga- nizational development (OD) framework: diagnosis, action planning, intervention, and evaluation (Robbins & Judge, 2012; Block, 2004). However, it is important to recognize that OD is not a solution to all organizational problems (Dubrow, Wocher & Austin, 2005). According to Young (2001), creating a positive identity must be an integral part of the change process. Additionally, change and innovation require organizational flexibility and a willingness to examine the organiza- tion’s culture (Jaskyte & Dressler, 2005) and reorient the values, beliefs, and assumptions that led to organizational deficiencies (Schein, 2010).

This article presents a case study of a human service organization that was dissatisfied with its overall case management performance. It chose to engage in planned change in reaction to runaway costs, staff burnout, and ongoing staff turnover, which inadvertently caused major health and safety risks for clients. The solution necessitated the abandonment of the traditional case management model and the development of an innovative resource coordination model consisting of functional specialists working in teams.

RELEVANCE OF CASE MANAGEMENT

For approximately 140 years, different forms of case management practice have evolved. In the United States, a comprehensive approach to coordinating aid to individuals in need can be traced to an adaptation of the settlement movements that were started in England. The American model of settlement services attracted attention through the work of Chicago’s Hull House, Boston’s’ South End House, Northwestern University’s Settlement House in Chicago, and the Neighborhood Guild in New York. The objective of these settlement houses was to provide opportunities for social change in poor neighborhoods by having volunteers match available services to individuals in need and promote ideas of independence and self-direction. Additionally, the charity organization movement, another English invention that took hold in the United States, refined the idea of almsgiving by matching financial resources to an individual’s specific short- and long-term goals (Block, 2001).

Many human service values essential to contemporary case management services can be traced to the social work pioneering activities of Mary Richmond and Jane Addams (Weil & Karles, 1985). Richmond and Addams broke new ground with interdisciplinary approaches to problem solving and introducing the case conference review as a mechanism for planning services for vulnerable individuals. As social work schools began to develop in the early 1900s, the principles and processes of case management were integrated into methods used in social work fields of practice (Bartlett, 1970).

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18 BLOCK, WHEELAND, AND ROSENBERG

The social work profession attempted to retain the domain of case management, but over the years this role has expanded to practitioners of other disciplines employed by human service agen- cies. The outcome of this expansion has meant that not all case managers may be schooled in a uniform framework of social work theory and professional practice. In fact, many case managers have degrees in fields other than human service fields and often no human service background of any kind. This broadening of qualifications has led to a steady pool of available personnel and driven down the cost of staff salaries.

Since many employees do not come to the case management role with a theoretical framework or the benefit of a supervised field practice internship, the alternative process for learning the func- tions and responsibilities of case management is primarily through on-the-job training. Supervisors trained in the traditional model of case management would naturally train their novice staff in sim- ilar practice methods. Although supervisors may have significant case management experience, it does not mean they have effective instructional skills to teach and convey practice wisdom to the inexperienced employee.

THE TRADITIONAL CASE MANAGEMENT MODEL

As with the general practice of social work, traditional case management is typically a service deliv- ered by a single individual sometimes referred to as a social worker, service coordinator, resource coordinator, case coordinator, care coordinator, or caseworker. The job title is dependent on the ser- vice setting; additionally, the target of services has multiple identifiers, such as, client, consumer, patient, customer, student, or family group.

Differences may exist in the job requirements of case management services in hospitals, schools, mental health centers, or other settings. However, the general focus of case management practice, its scope of responsibilities and processes are very similar. Within varied settings, the traditional role of a case manager can be described as a generalist who coordinates resources to meet the details of a service plan designed for a targeted individual or family. Measures of successful case management include meeting the objectives of the service plan within a specified time frame and the limitations of the agency’s financial and human resources.

METHODS

This study examined the transformation of case management services for adults with developmental disabilities. As a case study (Yin, 2013), our goal was to determine whether changes in case man- agement processes would lead to increased client satisfaction and improvements in their health and safety. Based on process theory (Maxwell, 2012), our objective was to demonstrate a relationship between improved outcomes and a newly designed case management model.

The study obtained quantitative measures of client and service outcomes. Data collected during the first year of implementation of the new model established a second year baseline measure for determining improvement in client satisfaction and health and safety objectives. The approach to establishing a baseline and evaluating outcomes of health and safety employed a single subject design (Bloom, Fischer, & Orme, 2006), since it is theory free and can be applied in the field by case managers (Bloom & Block, 1977). Single subject designs are used to evaluate the results of an intervention on a single client and are not meant to prove a hypothesis. Instead, the importance of the single subject design is on observations and the effects of an intervention on identified objectives (Zimbalist, 1983). An individual’s data can also be combined with data collected from other clients to create overall group data (Polster & Lynch, 1985) to analyze and use to support organizational decision-making.

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IMPROVING CASE MANAGEMENT 19

Each case manager was trained to follow an evidenced-based process by evaluating all of their clients’ progress and functioning in the everyday environment (Walker, Briggs, Koroloff, & Friesen, 2007). At a minimum of once a month, the case manager has contact with his or her clients and records a contact note on the status of the implementation of each client’s individualized plan of services. Contact notes serve as a continuous record of progress made toward the client’s plan objectives, as well as documenting the conditions of the client’s living and work environment to ensure the client is safe and healthy. Every six months, the case manager evaluates the data collected on the client’s progress and compares it to the individualized plan’s objectives. Using evidence, experience and practice wisdom (Hawkins, 2006), the case manager can determine whether the client’s desired results have been produced or whether the plan needs to be modified.

In addition to developing the case study, we evaluated organizational change over time including changes in client satisfaction using a survey questionnaire that was administered on an annual basis between 2002 and 2012. Customer satisfaction data were collected annually for 10 consecutive years using a survey of 15 questions (Fowler, 2009). Ten clients with cognitive limitations pretested the questionnaire to determine whether potential respondents would understand the wording. The first eight questions used a Likert scale of 1 to 5 with the higher numbers representing greater levels of satisfaction. The questionnaire targeted satisfaction with current services, staff returning phone calls in a timely way, staff responsiveness when help was needed, satisfaction with staff interaction, overall helpfulness, and staff performance matching client needs with appropriate services. Five questions were demographic in nature covering age, gender, number of years receiving services, if help was needed to complete the questionnaire (relying on a parent, guardian, friend or paid staff), and whether the individual had a legal guardian. Two questions were open-ended. One was to discover how the individual first found the organization and applied for services. The second open- ended question provided an opportunity for additional comments about the client’s experiences with staff, services, or other aspects of the organization.

Surveys were annually mailed to adult clients of Rocky Mountain Human Services (RMHS). Each year, 30% of the population was randomly selected to receive the client questionnaires. The number of surveys distributed changed from year to year according to the census of clients in service. In the initial years the number of adult clients numbered approximately 822 and rose to 1,038 between 2002 and 2012. The response rate for the surveys improved from 16% to 42% in 2012.

Krahn, Hammond, and Turner (2006) observed that individuals with intellectual disabilities rely on providers for health promoting behaviors and the status of health and safety varies with care giving arrangements. Consequently, administrative data were collected and reviewed to determine if there were any positive or adverse trends in the conditions that affect client health and safety. The information included outcomes of site visits, investigations into allegations of abuse or neglect, medical and dental care utilization, and staff turnover.

THE CASE STUDY

Rocky Mountain Human Services (RMHS) is a nonprofit human service organization contracted by the Colorado Department of Human Services to manage and coordinate the delivery of services and supports for children and adults with developmental disabilities residing in Denver. The client base is drawn from the City and County of Denver and represents approximately 17% of the community- based developmental disability services delivered statewide. The organization uses a combination of service agencies, individual providers and its own staff to serve approximately 3000 children, adults, and families. Under the state contract, the one activity that is prohibited from being contracted out is case management services.

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Biopsychosocial Model

This assignment will demonstrate understanding of substance use from the biopsychosocial model. Create a tri-fold brochure or pamphlet. You may use the available brochure and pamphlet templates in Microsoft Word.  Make sure your brochure or pamphlet is visually appealing and can be used as a method to present to clients in various settings.

Address the following in your assignment:

  1. Choose a substance that is used with the potential for abuse (i.e., alcohol,  marijuana, cocaine, opioids). Briefly introduce the substance.
  2. Using the Biopsychosocial Model, explain why someone uses this substance.
  3. Address how media influences substance use (i.e., music/concerts, social media, celebrities).
  4. Discuss the health risks, ramifications and/or benefits associated with the substance.
  5. Identify treatments/techniques used to treat addiction associated with the substance. Include an explanation of how these treatments/techniques are implemented.

Use a minimum of three to four scholarly resources to support the content in your brochure or pamphlet.

Each section in the brochure or pamphlet should have a clear title heading  (i.e., Substance, Use/Abuse, Media Influence, Risks/Benefits,  Treatments).