Explain the pressures associated with ethical decision making at Farrow’s Bank.

For this assignment, read the case study, “The 1920 Farrow’s Bank Failure: A Case of Managerial Hubris.” This case is located in the ABI/Inform Complete database found in the CSU Online Library (see reference below).

Hollow, M. (2014). The 1920 Farrow’s bank failure: A case of managerial hubris? Journal of Management History, 20(2), 164-178.

Regulators evaluated Thomas Farrow as being inflicted by managerial hubris at the time of the bank’s collapse in 1920. With this scenario in mind, address the following questions, with thorough explanations and well-supported rationale.

  1. How did corporate culture, leadership, power, and motivation affect Thomas’ level of managerial hubris?
  2. Relate managerial hubris to ethical decision making and the overall impact on the business environment.
  3. Explain the pressures associated with ethical decision making at Farrow’s Bank.
  4. Do you think that if Farrow’s Bank had a truly ethical business culture, the level of managerial hubris would have

    been decreased? Could this have affected the final outcome of Farrow’s Bank? Explain your position.

Your response must be a minimum of three double-spaced pages. You are required to use at least one scholarly source in your response. All sources used must be referenced; paraphrased and quoted material must have accompanying in- text citations, and be cited per APA guidelines.

Explain where the gaps are in applying the life model for this population.

Piedra and Engstrom (2009) noted how the life model “remains general and unspecific regarding factors that affect immigrant families” (p. 272). Recall that there will never be one theory or a model that can fully explain a phenomenon or lay out all the steps and procedures when working with complex issues that clients present to social workers. Recognizing this, Piedra and Engstrom selected another theory in the immigration literature—segmented assimilation theory. They identified concepts from segmented assimilation theory to “fill in” the gaps that the life model does not address.

Segmented Assimilation Theory and the Life Model: An Integrated Approach to

Understanding Immigrants and Their Children Lissette M. Piedra and David W Engstrom

The life model offers social workers a promising framework to use in assisting immigrant families. However, the complexities of adaptation to a new country may make it difficult for social workers to operate from a purely ecological approach. The authors use segmented assimilation theory to better account for the specificities of the immigrant experience. They argue that by adding concepts from segmented assimilation theory to the life model, social workers can better understand the environmental Stressors that increase the vulnerabilities of immigrants to the potentially harsh experience of adapting to a new country. With these concepts, social workers who work with immigrant families will be better positioned to achieve their central goal: enhancing person and environment fit.

KEY W O R D S : acculturation; assimilation; immigrants; life model; second generation

N early a century ago,Jane Addams (1910) observed that immigrants needed help integrating their European and American

experiences to give them meaning and a sense of relation:

Power to see life as a whole is more needed in the immigrant quarter of the city than anywhere else Why should the chasm between fathers and sons, yawning at the feet of each generation, be made so unnecessarily cruel and impassable to these bewildered immigrants? (p. 172)

The inability of some immigrant families to integrate the cultural capital from the world left behind with the demands of the new society creates a gulf of experience between immigrants and their children that can undermine the parental relation- ship. Today, the issue of family cohesion in the face of acculturative Stressors remains central to the im- migrant experience and creates a sense of urgency because it is so linked with the success of the second generation. The size of the immigrant population and the role their children \vill play in future labor markets (Morales & Bonilla, 1993; Sullivan, 2006) moves the problem from the realm of the person to the status of a larger public concern.

Immigrant families are rapidly becoming the “typical” American family. More than one in seven

families in the United States is headed by a foreign- born adult. Children of immigrant parents are the fastest growing segment of the nation’s child popula- tion (Capps, Fix, Ost, Reardon-Anderson, & Passel, 2004).The U.S. Census Bureau (2003) reported that slightly more than 14 million children (approxi- mately one in five) live in immigrant families; the percentage is even higher (22 percent) for children under the age of six (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001). At a structural level, these changing demographics create large-scale and long-range effects that bear on many social services and many issues of social pohcy (Sullivan, 2006). Specifically, the population growth of native-born children in nonwhite im- migrant families, in the context of an aging white population, has implications for intergenerational and interethnic justice. The native-born children of immigrants will make up a large portion of the future workforce—and of the future contributors to the social security—recipient population (Morales & Bonilla, 1993; Sullivan, 2006).

For many immigrants, relocating to the United States means leaving one cultural universe and enter- ing a new one—a life transition that, unlike other forms of life transitions, can span decades and affect subsequent generations. Immigrant families must grapple with a distinct set of cultural adjustments. Aside from adapting to a new society, immigrant adults rear children in a cultural context that is

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different—sometimes vastly so—from the one in which they themselves were socialized, and often that context includes speaking a language other than English.

Although contemporary immigrants and their native-born children—the second generation—face the same type of parental estrangement as earlier immigrants did, the social context has changed dramatically. Immigrant families today face the challenges of adaptation in an era of eroded social safety nets and heightened scrutiny of citizenship status (Engstrom, 2006). The industrial era long ago gave way to a more technologically complex society, and the labor market has bifurcated into two sectors: high-skilled work and low-skill work, the latter with correspondingly low wages and often with no benefits (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001 ¡Wilson, 1980, 1987). Many immigrants work in low-wage jobs that provide few or no benefits and little op- portunity for advancement.

Segmented assimilation theory identifies factors that contribute to the different rates of acculturation among parents and their offspring; it also explains how intergenerational acculturation patterns affect the way the second generation confronts external obstacles to social mobility (Portes, 1996; Portes, Fernandez-Kelly, & Haller, 2005; Portes & Rum- baut, 2001; Portes & Zhou, 1993; Waters, 1996). Segmented assimilation theory has been used by scholars studying the difficulties immigrant fami- lies have with acculturating to American society. For example, segmented theory has been used to ground case studies (Kelly, 2007) and to under- stand substance use and abuse (Martinez, 2006), educational performance (Stone & Han, 2005),and racial distrust among immigrant minority students (Albertini, 2004). Chapman and Perreira (2005) used segmented assimilation theory to inform aspects of their framework for assessment of the psychosocial risks associated with successful adaptation of Latino youths. Although a useful contribution to the lit- erature. Chapman and Perreira’s (2005) application of the theory is narrowly focused on Latinos and does not make use of this theory’s abihty to explain why some immigrant families have more difficulties with assimilation than others do. The explanatory power of the theory lies in its ability to illuminate factors that contribute to diverse life trajectories among immigrant families.

We argue that by adding concepts from segmented assimilation theory to the life model (Germain &

Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008), social workers can better understand the en- vironmental Stressors that increase the vulnerabilities of immigrants to the potentially harsh experience of adapting to a new country. Furthermore, this enhanced ecological approach can help practitio- ners better understand the crucial role that inter- generational acculturation plays in the challenges that some immigrant parents experience in their efforts to relate to and guide their children. With this expanded view, we believe that social workers who work with immigrant families will be better positioned to achieve their central goal: enhancing person and environment fit.

APPLING THE LIFE MODEL TO IMMIGRANTS AND THEIR CHILDREN The life model is particularly relevant for those \vorking with immigrants and their children. In- spired by the idea that social work practice should be modeled on life itself, the life model places particular emphasis on the normal life processes of growth, development, and decline (Bandler, 1963; Germain & Gitterman, 1996, Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008). These processes, along with human motivation for problem solving and need satisfaction, are understood in the context of the life span. Life-modeled practice, grounded in ecological theory, seeks to maximize the fit between individuals, families, and groups and their environment (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008). Capitalizing on reciprocal interactions between people and their environments, interventions are tailored to enhance people’s abihty to meet their needs and to coax the environment to become more amenable to their needs (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Gitterman & Germain, 1976, 2008; Shulman & Gitterman, 1994). Problems in living (Gitterman & Germain, 1976) were originally conceived as generated by three interrelated sources: (1) stressful life transitions, (2) environmental pressures, and (3) maladaptive interpersonal processes (Shulman & Gitterman, 1994). Later, the hfe model added three new con- ceptual areas that reflect the profession’s evolving sensitivity to social diversity: (1) the recognition of factors that influence vulnerability and oppression; (2) the presence of healthy and unhealthy habitat and niche; and (3) consideration of variations in the life course (the trajectory taken by an individual), with attention to social and cultural determinants

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of these trajectories (Germain & Gitterman, 1996; Ungar, 2002).

Although these new additions to the life model provide a comprehensive framework for under- standing the myriad challenges facing immigrant families, the life model remains general and unspe- cific regarding factors that affect immigrant families. Other theoretical concepts are needed to address the following key questions regarding the adapta- tion process: What factors influence vulnerability and oppression of immigrants? What are the social and cultural determinants of the various hfe trajec- tories immigrants take? Answering these questions will generate a greater appreciation for the obstacles immigrant families must overcome.

SEGMENTED ASSIMILATION AND INTERGENERATIONAL ACCULTURATION Intergenerational conflict is common in the immi- grant experience, but not all families experience the disdain that some second-generation youths develop toward their immigrant parents and their cultural heritage. Not all immigrant youths prematurely free themselves from parental authority, losing the corresponding support and guidance. Nevertheless, the question remains: How do individual, faniily, and community dynamics intersect with larger contextual forces so as to give rise to divergent as- similation outcomes?

Contemporary sociological theory can help answer this question. Although assimilation—the process by which immigrants and their children integrate into society—is an important concept, it is also a term that has been overused and burdened by extensive qualifications (Portes &c Rumbaut, 2001). Traditional straight-line assimilation, with its assumption of rapid integration and acceptance into the American mainstream, is only one of several possible assimilation outcomes. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) reminded us that assimilation re- mains a cautionary tale and that positive outcomes are by no means guaranteed. They argued for a conceptualization that accounts for the different possible outcomes and variation across immigrant groups. By tracing the divergent assimilation paths of second-generation children to intergenerational acculturation, segmented assimilation theory ex- plains the specific role that immigrant parents and their co-ethnic communities play in helping the second generation to confront external obstacles to social mobility (for example, racial discrimination, a

two-tiered labor market, and inner-city subcultures). The key issue is not whether the assimilation of immigrants and their children will occur; a long historical record proves that it does, even under the direst of circumstances. Rather, in regard to social mobility, the segment of society into which immigrants and their children assimilate carries significantly more weight.

Segmented assimilation theory recognizes that although U.S. society is racially and ethnically di- verse, it is also stratified along socioeconomic lines (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Wilson, 1980, 1987). Socioeconomic status shapes and constrains op- portunities for social mobility. Those at the more impoverished levels of society—the working poor, for example—experience a myriad of obstacles to upward social mobility because the problems associ- ated with poverty are so interlocking that one rever- sal can produce a chain reaction with far-reaching results (Shipler,2004).Low-wage employment with no benefits relegates workers to communities with poorer housing stock, unreliable transportation systems, and inadequate schools. This heightened vulnerability is further accentuated when workers have an illness, are involved in an accident, or are victims of a street crime. Given the corrosive effects of poverty, it is not surprising that, for low-income immigrant families, increased length of residency in the United States coincides with deterioration in the health and school achievement of their children (Hernandez & Charney, 1998; Shields & Behrman,2004).

Perhaps the most useful contribution segmented assimilation theory has to offer is the idea that the pace of intergenerational acculturation—the process by which immigrants and their children learn the language and normative lifestyles of a new culture—plays an important role in the support and resources that second-generation children can access to overcome external barriers to successful adaptation. In an ideal world, acculturation occurs at similar rates for both immigrant parents and their children, enabling children to maintain family and communities ties. When confronted by racial discrimination, a bifurcated labor market, and inner- city subcultures, second-generation children who have maintained these important connections face these difficulties with adult support and guidance. However, acculturation rates often differ between parents and offspring (Hwang, 2006), creating a gap between the first and second generations that

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extends beyond normal generational gaps. Portes and Rumbaut (2001) identified three types of intergenerational acculturation: (1) dissonant, (2) consonant, and (3) selected.

Synonymous with “harsh” or “jarring,” dissonant acculturation is aptly named. Such an acculturation occurs when children learn English and adopt U.S. culture at such an accelerated rate, compared with their parents, that parental authority is undermined and children can prematurely free themselves from parental control. In the most extreme instances, role reversal occurs when the child’s mastery of the language and culture puts her or him at a so- cial advantage vis-à-vis the parents and the child is expected to serve as translator and mediator in the public world. A dissonant acculturation process diminishes the ability of parents to provide critical guidance. Moreover, this process often occurs in a context of limited community supports, so the results are particularly cruel.When confronted with external obstacles to social advancement, such as poverty, racial discrimination, or poor educational opportunities, these children often have little more than their peer group for support. The immigrant’s child confronts these obstacles alone and is par- ticularly vulnerable to the adoption of adversarial attitudes and lifestyles associated with inner-city subcultures and downward social mobility.

Consider the fluidity of racial identity and how it can serve as a proxy for something other than identity (Samuels,2006;Tafoya,2004;Waters, 1996). One study that examined how adolescent children of black immigrant parents constructed and used their ethnic identity found that ethnically identi- fied teenagers recognized that their immigrant status separated them from being solely identified as African American—arguably the most stigmatized group in the United States (Water, 1996).Depending on the situation, ethnically identified youths spoke differently—formal English rather than accented English—and sent out other signals of ethnic group belonging (such as sporting a Jamaican key chain). For these adolescents, racial and ethnic identity were not synonymous with being a black American. Rather, these adolescents viewed race and ethnicity as fluid, social currency that is partially a conscious choice to adopt behaviors and speech to fit the social context (Waters, 1996).

In sharp contrast, other adolescents in the study who adopted a fixed racial identity—black Ameri- can—placed little emphasis on their ethnic identi-

ties. These teenagers believed that race definitively constrained their chances of getting ahead, and they did not see their cultural heritage as providing any social leverage. Moreover, these youths had adopted and identified with some of the negative stereotypes. One young Haitian American teenager reported the following:

My parents, they do not like American blacks, . . . they feel that they are lazy.They don’t want to work and stufflike that from what they can see. And I feel that, um, I feel that way too . . . and my mother is like, yeah, you’re just too American. (Waters, 1996, p. 185)

The most striking finding in this study was how the two groups of teenagers responded to their parents’ negative opinions of black Americans and the degree of intergenerational conflict. Although both groups reported that their parents held negative appraisals of African Americans, ethnically identi- fied youths agreed with their parents’ and wider society’s negative assessments of poor black people and sought to avoid being identified in that way. American-identified youths rejected their parents’ opinions outright, blaming those beliefs on their parents’ naivete regarding the U.S. social system. These youths’ racial identity included embracing aspects of a peer-group culture that brought them into conflict with their parents’ cultural beliefs. Disaffected by their parents and their cultural values, American-identified teenagers confronted the perils of racial discrimination and inner-city subcultures alone.

In marked contrast, consonant acculturation reflects a process in which there is a gradual loss of native language and culture. Acquisition of English lan- guage and U.S. culture are assumed by the parent and child at roughly the same rates.The role of economic resources cannot be underestimated here. In some instances, immigrant parents have the resources to purchase experiences that facilitate their ability to pass on their cultural heritage: a parochial educa- tion, language school, summer trips to the country of origin. These “extras” give a child exposure to the parent’s culture and facilitate a family milieu of common values and cultural beliefs. In addition, the parents’ education and employment foster the acqui- sition of language and culture, enhancing authority so that the parents retain their parental role. Selective acculturation occurs when the learning process of both

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generations is embedded in a co-ethnic community that slows down the cultural shift and promotes the partial retention of parents’ home language and cultural norms. Selective acculturation is commonly found among middle-class members living in ethic enclaves, such as Cubans in Miami.

PARENTAL HUMAN CAPITAL, MODES OF INCORPORATION, AND FAMILY STRUCTURE As illustrated in the earlier discussion, central to seg- mented assimilation theory is the way that parental human capital influences patterns of intergenera- tional acculturation. In addition, intergenerational acculturation is affected by how the immigrant group is received in this country (modes of incor- poration) and the ways in which family structure helps or hinders social supports. In this section, we discuss these three factors and how they facilitate the ability of immigrant parents to remain a guiding force for their children (see Figure 1).

Parental Human Capital. Immigrants come to this country with wide variations in age, educa- tion, occupational skills, wealth, and knowledge of English. Each of these factors not only contributes to immigrants’ wage-earning potential in the labor market, but also plays a role in determining the extent to which immigrant parents can regulate the ac- culturation process for their children.This ability to

have some say in the rate of children’s acculturation is extremely important, because for most immigrant families, schools often undermine cultural retention (Ishibashi, 1991; Ishibashi & Martinez, 2006). By attending U.S. schools, the children of immigrants experience an accelerated acculturation process, often putting them at a linguistic and cultural ad- vantage over their parents. Therefore, parents who lack the personal and community resources to keep up with their children’s acculturation are decisively disadvantaged in maintaining an influential role in their children’s lives.

Immigrant parents with English language ability, who know how to navigate complex social organiza- tions, have a decisive advantage both at home and in the labor market. Highly educated and skilled adult immigrants are better able to acculturate quickly to U.S. society than immigrants who come with little education, low levels of literacy, and no exposure to complex social institutions and technology. The first group has greater potential to access high- wage work that will lead to rapid social mobility. Because they possess education and skills that are valued in U.S. society, these immigrants encounter a more hospitable environment and have greater opportunity to regulate their situations (and their family situations) than do those with low levels of human capital.

Figure 1: Factors Contributing to Variations in Acculturation

Parental Human Capital: Age, education, occupational skills, wealth, and knowledge of English.

Background Factors: First Generation

Modes of Incorporation: Governmental policies toward different immigrant groups and the reception by the native population.

Family Structure: The composition of the immigrant family and the presence of both biological parents.

A F F E C T

Intergenerational Patterns of Acculturation

Parental Support for Overcoming Obstacles ro Social Mobility:

Discrimination, Labor Markets, Inner-city Subcultures

Dissonant Acculturation: The children’s acquisition of English and of American ways occurs with the loss of immigrant culture, outstripping the parents’ pace of acculturation; role reversal occurs.

Consonant Acculturation: The learning process and gradual abandonment of home language and culture occur at similar rates.

Selective Acculturation: The learning process of both generations is embedded in a co-ethnic community to slow down the cultural shift and promote the partial retention of parents’ home language and cultural

poor; obstacles are confronted alone; there is a risk for downward social mobility

relationship maintained; adequate support is available to assist with social mobility

relationship maintained; adequate parental and communal supports are available to facilitate social mobility âW cultural retention

Source: Adapted from Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2001). Legacies: The story of the immigrant second generation (Figure 3.2 The Process of Segmented Assimilation; A Modei). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. O2001 Regents of the University of Caiifornia.

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The second group has many more cultural disadvantages to overcome. For these immigrants, competencies developed in their native societies may not translate well to the new society. Regrettably, the second generation’s view of their parents is shaped by their perception of the fit between the parents’ skills and their new environment, rather than the actual competencies of their parents. Consider the observation made by Rodriguez (1982):

My mother and father made themselves under- stood at the county hospital clinic and at gov- ernment offices. And yet… it was unsettling to hear my parents struggle with English. Hearing them, I’d grow nervous, my clutching trust in their protection and power weakened, (p. 15)

Apart from obvious financial difficulties, income, language, and education can negatively affect the parental relationship in unforeseen ways, fraying those important ties over time and heightening the vulnerability of some immigrant children to the loss of parental support. Because parental human capital determines labor-market participation, which in turn affects the availability of resources and institu- tional access, the coercive effects on family ties are particularly brutal: Children living in families with the fewest resources (usually living in communities where parental guidance is most critical) are on their own in dealing with discrimination and the pitfalls of poverty.

Modes of Incorporation. In addition to the skills and resources that immigrants individually possess, the receiving context plays a vital role in eroding or strengthening family ties. Governmental poli- cies and the receptivity of the native population to the new immigrants have a powerful effect on the supports and resources available to help immigrants maintain control over their lives during adaptation to a new environment. As noncitizens, immigrants depend on federal policies to confer rights and privileges on the basis of their immigration status. Sometimes these policies are influenced by foreign policy needs, as in the case of Cuban refugees. In the United States, modes of incorporation can range from a positive reception, in which there is federal support for the resettlement of immigrants (as in the case of Cubans andVietnamese during the Cold War), to an overtly hostile stance, as in the case of undocumented Mexican nationals. Between these two extremes, most immigrants find a host society

that is, at best, ambivalent about their presence and expects immigrants to make it largely on their own (Engstrom, 2006). However, the ability to “make it” depends largely on governmental policies that regulate immigration status: essentially, the degree to which immigrants can live and work openly in society and the types of labor opportunities and protections they encounter.

Undocumented immigrants, for example, work at jobs that most people in the United States find undesirable, and they have the least protection from occupational hazards and abuse. Moreover, their claim on social institutions is tenuous. Because un- documented immigrants fear deportation, many will use such institutions only in emergencies.The lack of choice for this group is apparent; reversals, such as a serious illness or injury or a workplace raid, can have a disorganizing effect on even the most industrious family. Under these hostile circumstances, parental ability to protect children is precarious.

 

To prepare: (No More Than 500 words)

  • Review the life model.
  • Review this article in the Learning Resources: Piedra, L. M., & Engstrom, D. W. (2009). Segmented assimilation theory and the life model: An integrated approach to understanding immigrants and their children. Social Work, 54(3), 270–277. http://dx.doi.org.ezp.waldenulibrary.org/sw/54.3.270

 

Using an example from your fieldwork experience and a diverse population you encountered at the agency (for example, in Piedra and Engstrom’s article, it was immigrant families), respond to the following:

  • Identify and describe the diverse population and the unique characteristics and/or the distinctive needs of the population in 3 to 4 brief sentences.
  • Explain how the life model can be applied for the population.
  • Explain where the gaps are in applying the life model for this population.
  • When looking at the gaps, explain which theory might be helpful in filling the gaps of the life model when working with this population.

Descriptive Statistics Worksheet

Descriptive Statistics Worksheet

 

Directions: Answer each question completely, showing all your work. Refer to the SPSS tutorials located in the Topic 4 materials as needed. Copy and Paste the SPSS output into the word document for the calculations portion of the problems. (Please remember to answer the questions you must interpret the SPSS output).

1. A researcher is interested to learn if there is a linear relationship between the hours in a week spent exercising and a person’s life satisfaction. The researchers collected the following data from a random sample, which included the number of hours spent exercising in a week and a ranking of life satisfaction from 1 to 10 ( 1 being the lowest and 10 the highest).

Participant Hours of Exercise Life Satisfaction
1 3 1
2 14 2
3 14 4
4 14 4
5 3 10
6 5 5
7 10 3
8 11 4
9 8 8
10 7 4
11 6 9
12 11 5
13 6 4
14 11 10
15 8 4
16 15 7
17 8 4
18 8 5
19 10 4
20 5 4

 

 

 

 

 

2. Find the mean hours of exercise per week by the participants.

 

 

3. Find the variance of the hours of exercise per week by the participants.

 

 

4. Determine if there is a linear relationship between the hours of exercise per week and the life satisfaction by using the correlation coefficient.

 

 

5. Describe the amount of variation in the life satisfaction ranking that is due to the relationship between the hours of exercise per week and the life satisfaction.

 

 

6. Develop a model of the linear relationship using the regression line formula.

 

© Grand Canyon University 2016 1

Explain behaviorism, cognitivism, constructivism, and humanism as applied to learning.

Applying Learning Theory to Life

Prior to beginning work on this activity read all of the required  reading, review the content from weeks one through three, visit the  website http://selfdeterminationtheory.org (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site.,  and review the Instructor Guidance. This week you will be discussing  the multiple perspectives about how we learn, based on your developing  knowledge about learning theory, and how it affects your own ability to  perform at desired levels.

Required elements:

  • Explain behaviorism, cognitivism, constructivism, and humanism as applied to learning. Suggested template.
  • Summarizes at least two sub-theories/ideologies within each framework.
    • Examples include:
    • From behaviorism
      • associative learning, classical conditioning, operant Conditioning, conditioning, extinction, and ratio/interval schedules
    • From cognitivism
      • schema theory, memory development, elaboration theory (i.e. Bloom’s  taxonomy), cognitive load theory, and social learning/cognitive theory.
    • From constructivism (conceptions of knowledge are derived from the  process of constructing individual interpretations of one’s experiences)
      • cognitive constructivism, dialectical (social) constructivism, zone of proximal development, and discovery learning
    • From humanism
      • motivational theories of learning (i.e. self-determination theory,  Maslow’s hierarchy of needs), experiential learning, and Steiner  pedagogy or Waldorf education.
    • List and briefly explain a minimum of two theoretically supported  strategies, that we have learned about during the past weeks, that you  think would most help you to increase your own learning success.
    • List and briefly explain a minimum of two theoretically supported  strategies, that we have learned about during the past weeks, that you  think would most help someone in your personal or professional circle.
      • Apply basic methods of psychological research skills to this content  by synthesizing supporting evidence from at least three scholarly  sources from the Ashford University Library that defend the strategies  you have chosen.

The Applying Learning Theory to Life paper

  • Must be  double-spaced and formatted according to APA style as  outlined in the Ashford Writing Center (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site..
  • Must include a separate title page with the following:
    • Title of [paper, project, etc.]
    • Student’s name
    • Course name and number
    • Instructor’s name
    • Date submitted
  • Must use headings and sub-headings. See example. (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site.
  • Must use appropriate research methods (e.g. use of the Ashford library) and skeptical inquiry (http://www.criticalthinking.org/ (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site.).to support the content inclusions.
  • Must begin with an introductory paragraph that introduces what you will be outlining in your paper.
  • Must end with a conclusion that reaffirms the learning perspectives/principles and strategies you chose.
  • Must use at least three scholarly sources, all of which must come from the Ashford University Library.
  • Must document all sources in APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.
  • Must include a separate reference page that is formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.5

    Individualized Knowledge Construction

    Learning Objectives

    After reading this chapter, you should be able to do the following:

    · Explain the fundamental ideologies of constructivism.

    · Describe social constructivism and this perspective’s views of learning.

    · Compare and contrast situated cognition and the foundational ideas of cognitivism.

    · Explain the premise and variables associated with sociocultural theory.

    · Discuss how problem-based learning supports constructivist-based learning theories.

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    Introduction

    Previous section

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    Introduction

    Have you ever:

    · considered how your culture, social, and physical interactions affect how and what you assign meaning to?

    · learned a skill or professional role under the guidance of a more experienced peer?

    · desired to learn in a more self-directed, meaningful way?

    The material in this chapter will address an area of learning theory that consists of constructivist-based principles, which we can use to help understand the significance of these types of questions. Foundationally, constructivism is a theory that supports the view that humans learn by connecting new information to their existing knowledge and that the knowledge is individualized, personalized, and reflective of one’s own perception of the information learned. For example, as you learn more about the field of psychology, the knowledge that you gain will be built (constructed) upon your previous understanding. Your understanding, in essence, is shaped by your initial perceptions about psychology, which may differ from another person’s perception of psychology. Thus, someone who considers how a concept could be applied only in psychological counseling may have more difficulty understanding how the same concept applies in other areas, such as organizational or educational psychology. Additional theories have been developed based on the foundations of constructivism. Social constructivism, situated cognition, and sociocultural theory (SCT) are some of the other theories based on constructivism, and they will be considered in this chapter.

    An engineer showing an apprentice how to use a piece of machinery.

    Monkeybusinessimages/iStock/Thinkstock

    An aspect of constructivist thought is the idea of learning that builds upon previous understanding and knowledge.

    Constructivist-based theories suggest that one’s environment plays a role in meaningful learning, as do socially oriented cognitive theories (discussed in Chapter 4). Constructivist theories, however, also suggest that learners are not just passive receivers of information but are active participants in their knowledge development, and this idea is a key component of the theories that support the perspective of individualized knowledge construction.

    As mentioned in earlier chapters, theoretical propositions are not always accepted by all learning theorists. Constructivism, and the theories based on its foundations, is no exception. The notion that a learner’s knowledge is personalized is controversial because the assumptions of constructivism are difficult to prove or disprove (Phillips, 2000); it is considered by some as a subjective notion. Specifically, logical positivism, which is based on a perspective that argues that problems should be answered only through empirical research, suggests that constructivism, whether as a theory or a pedagogical strategy, is ideological—that it lacks solid findings obtained through controlled observation or experimentation (Gross & Levitt, 1994; Matthews, 1992). Researchers aligned with other theoretical frameworks (e.g., behaviorism or cognitivism) also have suggested that the notion of individualized knowledge construction through discovery learning (drawing from one’s personal experiences to discover information) is a reflection of the values within education that were popular in the mid-20th century, such as child-centered instruction (Zhenlin, 2009), rather than a viable learning theory.

    Additionally, cognitive theory suggests that the instructor or counselor is the crucial part of successful knowledge acquisition, and that discovery learning (a foundational proponent of constructivism) would be far too unstructured for effective knowledge development (Bulgren, Deshler, & Schumaker, 1997; Rosenshine, 1997). Yet, research has suggested that these arguments regarding the role of the instructor and discovery are not entirely accurate ones because constructivist ideas have proven to be effective in applied settings, such as the classroom (Brooks & Brooks, 1999) and in instructional design. Thus, you should continue to use critical thinking while evaluating the information included in this chapter and come to your own conclusions about the perspectives of constructivist-based theories.

    The concepts and perspectives presented in this chapter align with the view that individuals are active participants in the process of learning—that knowledge, and thus reality, is unique and personalized to each individual. The readings and areas of theory have been chosen to help support your understanding of the different frameworks that can be applied to discussions about knowledge construction:

    · Sections 5.1 and 5.2 will help you establish an understanding of the core elements of constructivism and social constructivism and how the concepts associated with these perspectives support the belief that learners are participants in the knowledge acquisition process.

    · Section 5.3 presents a cognitivist view that acknowledges the situational effects on learning, which is supported by constructivism’s ideology.

    · Section 5.4 addresses sociocultural theory, which focuses on language development as a key component of learning, suggesting that the interactions we experience can affect this process.

    · Section 5.5 considers problem-based learning (PBL), a type of learning activity endorsed by constructivists, and the application example further supports how constructivist ideologies look in action.

    The prominent differences in the theoretical models presented in these readings will be the associative and specific nature of how, and to what extent, social, cultural, and physical variables influence the learning process.

    As you evaluate the different theoretical frameworks, consider the findings that are presented, whether details might be missing, and if the findings support the argument that successful knowledge acquisition is more than the strict adherence to laws that often guide research. Ask yourself questions as you read, such as the following:

    · Is learning merely based upon the memory acquisition of the learner?

    · Can successful learning take place through attention and schema development alone?

    · Do we learn better when we actively do something than when we just read or listen?

    · Do constructivist-based theories reflect effective knowledge acquisition propositions?

    These are just some of the many questions that should be considered when evaluating the suggestions presented based on constructivist principles and theories.

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    5.1 Constructivism

    It is important to understand that constructivist-based theories do not disprove cognitive or behaviorist theories. Instead, previous theories are used in conjunction with the foundation that learners should be the center of the process, organizing their own knowledge, based on their own reality. Constructivism is viewed both as a theory and as a teaching strategy. Both of these views can be construed as truths because the theory supports how we create knowledge and the aligned teaching strategies promote this endeavor and are hence applicable and vital to learning settings (Brooks & Brooks, 1999). Mascolo and Fischer (1995) have further suggested that “constructivism is the philosophical and scientific position that knowledge arises through a process of active construction” (p. 49), which is promoted by constructivist educational leaders.

    The excerpts in this section are from Applefield, Huber, and Moallem (2000). The authors discuss three types of constructivism and consider how learners construct knowledge. They also summarize some of the constructivist-based theories that will be elaborated upon in later sections of the chapter. As you read, note that these authors emphasize constructivism in the context of classroom interactions; however, such strategies are also relevant in a multitude of other learning contexts. The constructivist framework offers trainers, educators, counselors, and other mentors practical strategies for encouraging effective learning.

    Excerpts from “Constructivism in Theory and Practice: Toward a Better Understanding”

    By J. M. Applefield, R. Huber, and M. Moallem

    Three Types of Constructivism

    [. . .] Within constructivism there are different notions of the nature of knowledge and the knowledge construction process. Moshman (1982) has identified three types of constructivism: exogenous constructivism, endogenous constructivism, and dialectical constructivism.

    In exogenous constructivism or radical constructivism there is an external reality that is reconstructed as knowledge is formed. Thus one’s mental structures develop to reflect the organization of the world. The information processing conceptualizations of cognitive psychology emphasize the representation view of constructivism, calling attention to how we construct and elaborate schemata and networks of information based on the external realities of the environments we experience.

    A teacher leading a discussion with a group of students in the classroom.

    Monkeybusinessimages/iStock/Thinkstock

    When a teacher allows students to discuss, argue, and understand a topic, it is an example of dialectical or social constructivism. The students are interacting with each other, learning different points of view, and finding meaning in a particular topic.

    Endogenous constructivism or cognitive constructivism (Cobb, 1994; Moshman, 1982) focuses on internal, individual constructions of knowledge. This perspective, which is derived from Piagetian theory (Piaget, 1970, 1977), emphasizes individual knowledge construction stimulated by internal cognitive conflict as learners strive to resolve mental disequilibrium (see Chapter 4). Essentially, children as well as older learners must negotiate the meaning of experiences and phenomena that are discrepant from their existing schema. Students may be said to author their own knowledge, advancing their cognitive structures by revising and creating new understandings out of existing ones. This is accomplished through individual or socially mediated discovery-oriented learning activities (such as the use of graphic organizers, labs, or group work).

    Dialectical constructivism or social constructivism (Brown, Collins, & Duguid, 1989; Rogoff, 1990) views the origin of knowledge construction as being the social intersection of people, interactions that involve sharing, comparing, and debating among learners and mentors. Through a highly interactive process, the social milieu of learning is accorded center stage and learners both refine their own meanings and help others find meaning. In this way knowledge is mutually built. This view is a direct reflection of Vygotsky’s (1978b) sociocultural theory (SCT) (discussed further in section 5.4), which accentuates the supportive guidance of mentors as they enable the apprentice learner to achieve successively more complex skill, understanding, and ultimately independent competence.

    The fundamental nature of social constructivism is collaborative social interaction in contrast to individual investigation of cognitive constructivism. Through the cognitive give and take of social interactions, one constructs personal knowledge. In addition, the context in which learning occurs is inseparable from emergent thought. This latter view, known as contextualism in psychology, becomes a central tenet of constructivism when expressed as situated cognition, which is discussed in section 5.3. Social constructivism captures the most general present perspective on constructivism with its emphasis on the importance of social exchanges for cognitive growth and the impact of culture and historical context on learning. [. . .]

    Constructing Knowledge

    [. . .] There is an important similarity among most constructivists with regard to four central characteristics believed to influence all learning (and can be identified in other theoretical frameworks):

    1. Learners construct their own learning

    2. The dependence of new learning on students’ existing understanding

    3. The critical role of social interaction

    4. The necessity of activities that allow learners to discover meaningful knowledge through exploration of real-world problems, or authentic learning tasks (Bruning, Royce, & Dennison, 1995; Pressley, Harris, & Marks, 1992)

    For learners to construct meaning, they must actively strive to make sense of new experiences and in so doing must relate it to what is already known or believed about a topic. Students develop knowledge through an active construction process, not through the passive reception of information (Brophy, 1992). In other words, learners must build their own understanding. How information is presented and how learners are supported in the process of constructing knowledge are of major significance. The preexisting knowledge that learners bring to each learning task is emphasized too. Students’ current understandings provide the immediate context for interpreting any new learning. Regardless of the nature or sophistication of a learner’s existing schema, each person’s existing knowledge structure will have a powerful influence on what is learned and whether and how conceptual change occurs.

    Dialogue is the catalyst for knowledge acquisition. Understanding is facilitated by exchanges that occur through social interaction, through questioning and explaining, challenging and offering timely support and feedback. The concept of learning communities has been offered as the ideal learning culture for group instruction (Brown, 1994; Brown & Campione, 1994). These communities focus on helping group members learn, by supporting one another through respectful listening and encouragement. The goal is to engender a spirit and culture of openness, exploration, and a shared commitment to learning.

    Situated cognition or learning (discussed further in section 5.3) is a concept advocated in social constructivist approaches and is a natural extension of the importance attached to the context, social and cultural, in which learning is believed to be born. Knowledge is conceived as being embedded in and connected to the situation where the learning occurs. As a consequence, thinking and knowledge that is constructed are inextricably tied to the immediate social and physical context of the learning experience. And what is learned tends to be context-bound or tied to the situation in which it is learned (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Evidence for the situational nature of learning can be seen in numerous cases where students’ school learning fails to transfer readily to relevant tasks outside of school. Brown et al. (1989) chronicle how people can acquire rather sophisticated mathematical operations in one setting and yet be quite unable to apply those same operations in another setting.

    Just how teachers and peers support and contribute to learning is clarified by the concepts of scaffolding, cognitive apprenticeship, tutoring, and cooperative learning and learning communities (Brown, 1994; Rogoff, 1998). Cognition is viewed as a collaborative process, and modern constructivist thought provides the theoretical basis for cooperative learning, project or problem-based learning, and other discovery-oriented instructional approaches, all of which appeal to the powerful social nature of learning. As students are exposed to their peers’ thinking processes, appropriation of others’ ideas and ways of thinking is possible. Therefore, constructivists make extensive use of cooperative learning, a strategy that encourages small groups of learners to work together on tasks, as well as peer tutoring, believing that students will learn more readily from having dialog with each other about significant problems.

    A second key concept derives from Vygotsky’s concept of zone of proximal development (ZPD) (discussed further in section 5.4) (Kozulin, 1986). When children work on tasks that cannot be accomplished alone but can be successfully completed with the assistance of a person competent in the task, they are said to be working within their zone of proximal development. (See Figure 5.1.) Children working in cooperative groups will generally encounter a peer who possesses a slightly higher cognitive level, one within the child’s zone of proximal development.

    Figure 5.1: Zone of proximal development (ZPD)

    ZPD indicates an area of development that should be supported by a more experienced expert to maximize knowledge acquisition.

    A series of three embedded circles that illustrate the relationship among three zones of development. The inner circle, which is smallest, represents a learner’s existing level of knowledge or skills. The middle, slightly larger circle represents the learner’s zone of proximal development. The outer circle, which is the largest, represents the knowledge or skills that are out of the learner’s reach.

    Adapted from “Piaget’s Theory of Child Language and Thought,” by L. S. Vygotsky, in L. S. Vygotsky (Ed.), E. Hanfmann & G. Vakar (Trans.), Thought and Language (pp. 9–24), 1962, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Copyright 1962 by L. S. Vygotsky. Adapted with permission.

    The concept of cognitive apprenticeship is analogous to that of apprenticeships in many occupations where one learns on the job by closely working with a master. The master models behavior and gives feedback and gradually allows the novice increasing opportunity to independently exercise the skills of the profession. A substantial aspect of the learning is the socialization into the norms and behavior of the profession. The experience of teachers and physician interns demonstrates the shadowing and modeling that occurs during this critical period in the development and induction into these professions. More generally, one can say that a cognitive apprenticeship relationship exists between teachers and students to the extent that teachers provide scaffolding for students, through the use of step-by-step guiding of the new knowledge from less complicated to more (Schweisfurth, 2013). At the same time that students are given complex, authentic tasks such as projects, simulations, and problems involving community issues, they are also given sufficient assistance to achieve the desired outcomes. [. . .]

    A young child sitting in the grass and looking at something through a magnifying glass.

    Kiankhoon/iStock/Thinkstock

    According to constructivist thought, learners should be challenged by thoughts and ideas, generating their own questions and assumptions. Learning occurs through reflection.

    Since constructivists believe that the learner must transform or appropriate whatever is learned, one can say that all learning is discovered. To appropriate new understandings from one’s social environment and to become an efficient maker of meaning requires the adoption of specific intellectual skills, ones that should be modeled from more competent adults and peers. Thus generative learning strategies (learning-to-learn) may be explicitly taught to students or may be discovered by students as they are trying to find strategies for solving problems. For example, students have been guided to generate their own questions and summaries and analogies during reading (King, 1992a; Kourilsky & Wittrock, 1992; Wittrock, 1991) and while listening to lectures (King, 1992b). Reciprocal teaching (Palincsar & Brown, 1984) is a successful method for teaching reading comprehension in which metacognitive skills, including question generation, prediction, and summary, are taught through teacher modeling, followed by student enactment of the same metacognitive behaviors. The goal is to encourage self-regulated learning, by helping learners develop effective learning strategies and knowledge of when to use them. [. . .]

    The more traditional approach to instruction involves isolating the basic skills, teaching these separately and building these incrementally before tackling higher-order tasks. This is an essentially objectivist and behavioral approach to instruction, although cognitive information processing views often lead to similar instructional practices. Constructivists turn this highly sequential approach on its head. Instead of carefully structuring the elements of topics to be learned, learning proceeds from the natural need to develop understanding and skills required for completion of significant tasks. Learning occurs in a manner analogous to just-in-time manufacturing, where raw materials are received just prior to their use rather than held in expensive inventories. [. . .]

    Constructivism in Practice

    [. . .] Although constructivism is a theory about learning rather than a description of teaching, some important strides toward defining the relationship between theory and practice have been made. The following pedagogical recommendations, while general in nature, have been derived from fundamental constructivist principles of learning (Confrey, 1990; Brooks & Brooks, 1993; Fosnot, 1996).

    1. Learners should be encouraged to raise questions, generate hypotheses, and test their validity.

    2. Learners should be challenged by ideas and experiences that generate inner cognitive conflict or disequilibrium. Students’ errors should be viewed positively as opportunities for learners and teachers to explore conceptual understanding.

    3. Students should be given time to engage in reflection through journal writing, drawing, modeling, and discussion. Learning occurs through reflective abstraction.

    4. The learning environment should provide ample opportunities for dialogue, and the classroom should be seen as a “community of discourse engaged in activity, reflection, and conversation” (Fosnot, 1989).

    5. In a community of learners, it is the students themselves who must communicate their ideas to others, defend them, and justify them.

    6. Students should work with big ideas, central organizing principles that have the power to generalize across experiences and disciplines.

    [. . .] The overriding goal of the constructivist educator is to stimulate thinking in learners that results in meaningful learning, deeper understanding, and transfer of learning to real-world contexts. To accomplish this goal, a constructivist framework leads teachers to incorporate strategies that encourage knowledge construction through primarily social learning processes, in which students develop their own understanding through interactions with peers and the teacher. In addition, in order to make manifest and link new knowledge to learners’ current understanding, the constructivist teacher selects authentic tasks and uses more ill-defined problems and higher-order questions. A significant problem tackled by small groups of students promotes involvement, curiosity, and heightened motivation. [. . .] The learner’s primary goal in this environment is to become a more active learner, to interact with peers, and to always view learning as a search for meaning. [. . .]

    Source: From The High School Journal, vol. 84 Copyright © 2000 by the University of North Carolina Press. Used by permission of the publisher. www.uncpress.unc.edu

    Discovery Learning

    Discovery learning is an element of constructivism that was first presented in section i.4. This approach to learning allows learners to explore and uncover knowledge on their own. Discovery learning also emphasizes that learners must connect new information to their previous experiences. Borthick and Jones (2000) have provided the following description of discovery learning: “Learning theorists characterize learning to solve problems as discovery learning, in which participants learn to recognize a problem, characterize what a solution would look like, search for relevant information, develop a solution strategy, and execute the chosen strategy” (p. 181).

    An artist standing in front of an easel, holding a paint palette.

    Shironosov/iStock/Thinkstock

    Discovery learning emphasizes questioning, interpretation, curiosity, and reflection. This allows learners to connect new information to past experiences or knowledge.

    The next excerpt in this section is from Dalgarno, Kennedy, and Bennett (2014). They consider how constructivism as a pedagogical approach can include discovery learning. The reading also evaluates the basis for using constructivist-based strategies within learning or training environments. Consider the following strategies for instruction that encourage discovery learning:

    · Interpret artwork.

    · Include manipulatives (e.g., graphic organizers, concept maps, lab experiments).

    · Pause during instruction to allow questions.

    · Apply learning to personal experiences.

    · Use gaming techniques.

    · Introduce a question, allow learners to discover their own answers, and then have a discussion.

    · Encourage problem solving.

    · Encourage curiosity.

    · Encourage reflection.

    · Be open to “try again” opportunities.

    As you read, consider how the identified strategies support the constructivist viewpoints.

    Excerpts from “The Impact of Students’ Exploration Strategies on Discovery Learning Using Computer-Based Simulations”

    By B. Dalgarno, G. Kennedy, and S. Bennett

    The notion of discovery learning has its origins in the 1960s, with Jerome Bruner one of the first to articulate in detail the potential benefits of instructional approaches with discovery learning at their core (Bruner, 1961). There are a range of related learning design approaches that are similar to or draw on elements of discovery learning, including exploratory learning (De Freitas & Oliver, 2006; Reilly, 1974), inquiry learning (Kuhn, Black, Keselman, & Kaplan, 2000; Rutherford, 1964) and problem-based learning (Barrows & Tamblyn, 1980). See Table 5.1 for more about these three types of learning. [. . .] The idea that learning involves active knowledge construction has been used in support of inquiry-based learning approaches in the sciences, including discovery learning involving the use of computer-based simulations (De Jong & Van Joolingen, 1998). [. . .]

    Table 5.1: Types of learning that emphasize discovery

    Type Description
    exploratory learning The purposeful process of exploring how the learner’s current knowledge may be related to a new concept
    inquiry learning Often led by a facilitator, the process of asking questions, posing scenarios, or presenting problems through which the learner is guided toward an understanding of new concepts
    problem-based learning The process of presenting an open-ended problem that allows the learner to acquire experience in problem solving and increase his or her knowledge about a concept

    © Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

    A key element of constructivist theories of learning, and one that underpins discovery learning and related instructional approaches, is the idea that each person forms his or her own knowledge representation, building on his or her individual experiences—an idea generally attributed to Piaget (1973). According to constructivist theory, this knowledge representation is constantly reviewed and revised, as inconsistencies between the learner’s current knowledge representation and experience are encountered through active exploration (Bruner, 1962; von Glasersfeld, 1984). Piaget (1973) explains the learning process in terms of equilibration. Equilibration begins with the construction by the individuals of their own internal knowledge representation, or in Piaget’s terms, they accommodate their knowledge representation or schema to fit with their experience. Subsequent experiences that are consistent with this knowledge representation are then assimilated into this schema. New experiences that do not fit with their current knowledge representation result in a further accommodation of their schema to fit with this new experience. Clearly, such an account of the learning process, with its emphasis on constructing and reconstructing an individual knowledge representation through active exploration, has a natural fit with the idea of discovery learning. [. . .]

    Source: Dalgarno, B., Kennedy, G., & Bennett, S. (2014). The impact of students’ exploration strategies on discovery learning using computer-based simulations. Educational Media International, 51(4), 310–329. Published by Taylor & Francis. Copyright © 2014 Routledge.

    A key aspect of constructivist theory is that learners construct their own knowledge, which affects one’s memory development and recall. (The construction of knowledge has also been applied to other learning theories that will be discussed in upcoming sections of this text.) As outlined in this section, constructivism is a theory based on the belief that one’s knowledge is actively constructed and influenced by a person’s environment (Applefield et al., 2000; Dalgarno et al., 2014). Both sets of authors also provide practical strategies that can be used in learning environments and note additional frameworks that include constructivist foundations. Situated cognition (section 5.3) and problem-based learning (section 5.5) will build upon the information about constructivism presented in section 5.1.

    Social constructivism (also called dialectical constructivism), the focus of section 5.2, considers how the social aspect of our surroundings influences this construction by suggesting that although we each have the ability to regulate our knowledge acquisition, social mediators can influence all learners without their conscious recognition of the impacts. These effects also blur the line between psychology and sociology (the study of society), and thus open a plethora of considerations for understanding how a person learns and how a person learns most effectively.

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    5.2 Social Constructivism

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    5.2 Social Constructivism

    A group of college students studying together.

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    Social interactions can both help and hurt knowledge acquisition. If there is a common goal or interest (e.g., a study topic), then a group of students studying together will most likely aid in new and retained knowledge.

    Social constructivism suggests that a learner’s knowledge is based on social interactions—how learners experience and share their environments. This perspective supports the notion that the harmony between individuals and their society both positively and negatively affects successful learning. For example, socially constructed knowledge about the game of basketball would be supported more effectively by playing basketball and socially interacting with others who play. The importance of this basketball knowledge could be negatively affected if one is socially interactive with people who are uninterested in the subject.

    As discussed in section 5.1, constructivism suggests that there is no shared reality but that reality is created by the individual (von Glasersfeld, 2001). Social constructivism further suggests that reality not only is created by the individual, but also is created through his or her interactions with others. Meaning in an individual’s reality is thus based in his or her society and culture. For example, a person who lives in the rural areas of Wyoming would have a decisively different perceived reality than someone who lives in the Bronx, New York City. Social constructivism encourages such individualized meanings, suggesting that there being two truths does not imply that one of the two truths is false or flawed.

    The excerpts featured next are from Kim (2001). The article clarifies the differences between the original theory of constructivism and social constructivism by considering an additional variable: social interaction. Constructivism suggests that an individual’s previous knowledge can affect the acquisition of all new knowledge; social constructivism suggests that an individual’s previous social interactions are also crucial to all knowledge development.

    Excerpts from “Social Constructivism”

    By B. Kim

    [. . .] Social constructivism emphasizes the importance of culture and context in understanding what occurs in society and constructing knowledge based on this understanding (Derry, 1999; McMahon, 1997). This perspective is closely associated with many contemporary theories, most notably the developmental theories of Vygotsky and Bruner (section 5.4), and Bandura’s social cognitive theory (discussed in Chapter 4) (Schunk, 2000).

    Assumptions of Social Constructivism

    Social constructivism is based on specific assumptions about reality, knowledge, and learning. To understand and apply models of instruction that are rooted in the perspectives of social constructivists, it is important to know the premises that underlie them.

    Reality: Social constructivists believe that reality is constructed through human activity. Members of a society together invent the properties of the world (Kukla, 2000). For the social constructivist, reality cannot be discovered: It does not exist prior to its social invention.

    Knowledge: To social constructivists, knowledge is also a human product, and is socially and culturally constructed (Ernest, 1999; Gredler, 1997; Prawat & Floden, 1994). Individuals create meaning through their interactions with each other and with the environment they live in.

    Learning: Social constructivists view learning as a social process. It does not take place only within an individual, nor is it a passive development of behaviors that are shaped by external forces (McMahon, 1997). Meaningful learning occurs when individuals are engaged in social activities.

    Intersubjectivity of Social Meanings

    A city street with pedestrians on the sidewalk.

    IakovKalinin/iStock/Thinkstock

    People living in a large, bustling city may have intersubjectivity because they share common living situations, experiences, or interests. This may differ for a rural community.

    Intersubjectivity is a shared understanding among individuals whose interaction is based on common interests and assumptions that form the ground for their communication (Rogoff, 1990). For example, individuals living in an urban community might have a shared understanding about what a community is and what it does, which potentially differs from the shared understanding among individuals in rural communities. Communications and interactions entail socially agreed-upon ideas of the world and the social patterns and rules of language use (Ernest, 1999). Construction of social meanings, therefore, involves intersubjectivity among individuals. Social meanings and knowledge are shaped and evolve through negotiation within the communicating groups (Gredler, 1997; Prawat & Floden, 1994). Any personal meanings shaped through these experiences are affected by the intersubjectivity of the community to which the people belong.

    Intersubjectivity not only provides the grounds for communication but also supports people to extend their understanding of new information and activities among the group members (Rogoff, 1990; Vygotsky, 1978b). Knowledge is derived from interactions between people and their environments and resides within cultures (Schunk, 2000; McMahon, 1997). The construction of knowledge is also influenced by the intersubjectivity formed by cultural and historical factors of the community (Gredler, 1997; Prawat & Floden, 1994). When the members of the community are aware of their intersubjective meanings, it is easier for them to understand new information and activities that arise in the community.

    Social Context for Learning

    Some social constructivists discuss two aspects of social context that largely affect the nature and extent of the learning (Gredler, 1997; Wertsch, 1991): historical developments inherited by the learner as a member of a particular culture. Symbol systems, such as language, logic, and mathematical systems, are learned throughout the learner’s life. These symbol systems dictate how and what is learned.

    The nature of the learner’s social interaction with knowledgeable members of the society is important. Without the social interaction with more knowledgeable others, it is impossible to acquire social meaning of important symbol systems and learn how to use them. Young children develop their thinking abilities by interacting with adults.

    General Perspectives of Social Constructivism on Learning

    Social constructivists see as crucial both the context in which learning occurs and the social contexts that learners bring to their learning environment. There are four general perspectives that inform how we could facilitate the learning within a framework of social constructivism (Gredler, 1997):

    Cognitive tools perspective: Cognitive tools perspective focuses on the learning of cognitive skills and strategies. Students engage in those social learning activities that involve hands-on project-based methods and utilization of discipline-based cognitive tools (Gredler, 1997; Prawat & Floden, 1994). Together they produce a product and, as a group, impose meaning on it through the social learning process.

    Idea-based social constructivism: Idea-based social constructivism sets education’s priority on important concepts in the various disciplines (e.g., part-whole relations in mathematics, photosynthesis in science, and point of view in literature) (Gredler, 1997, p. 59; Prawat, 1995; Prawat & Floden, 1994). These “big ideas” expand learner vision and become important foundations for learners’ thinking and on construction of social meaning (Gredler, 1997).

    Pragmatic or emergent approach: Social constructivists with this perspective assert that the implementation of social constructivism in class should be emergent as the need arises (Gredler, 1997). Its proponents hold that knowledge, meaning, and understanding of the world can be addressed in the classroom from both the view of individual learner and the collective view of the entire class (Cobb, 1995; Gredler, 1997).

    Transactional or situated cognitive perspectives: This perspective focuses on the relationship between the people and their environment. Humans are a part of the constructed environment (including social relationships); the environment is in turn one of the characteristics that constitutes the individual (Bredo, 1994; Gredler, 1997). When a mind operates, its owner is interacting with the environment. Therefore, if the environment and social relationships among group members change, the tasks of each individual also change (Bredo, 1994; Gredler, 1997). Learning thus should not take place in isolation from the environment.

    Social Constructivism and Instructional Models

    Instructional models based on the social constructivist perspective stress the need for collaboration among learners and with practitioners in the society (Lave & Wenger, 1991; McMahon, 1997). Lave and Wenger (1991) assert that a society’s practical knowledge is situated in relations among practitioners, their practice, and the social organization and political economy of communities of practice. For this reason, learning should involve such knowledge and practice (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Gredler, 1997). Social constructivist approaches can include reciprocal teaching, peer collaboration, cognitive apprenticeships, problem-based instruction, webquests, anchored instruction, and other methods that involve learning with others (Schunk, 2000). For example, based on social constructivism, an instructor who encourages students with different backgrounds to work together in a collaborative way (e.g., a group project) increases the likelihood that students will explore information from multiple points of view.

    Source: Kim, B. (2001). Social constructivism. In M. Orey (Ed.), Emerging perspectives on learning, teaching, and technology. Used by permission of Michael Orey.

    Social constructivism is a framework that emphasizes society as a key moderator of how meaning is constructed. To a social cognitivist, knowledge is considered useless if it has no meaning within one’s socially interactive environments. For example, what if you left the country to attend school and when you returned 10 years later, you no longer spoke your native language? Does what you say to those around you have meaning? A constructivist would suggest that the knowledge you have gained (the new language) will not have meaning in your previous environment (unless you stumble upon another person who knows this new language). (See Applying Skeptical Inquiry: Shaped by the World Around Us for another example of how our prior experiences with others can shape how we perceive the world around us.) Social constructivism, however, is not the only theoretical framework with foundations that apply constructivist ideologies.

    In section 5.3, we will discuss situated cognition, a theory that also suggests that knowledge is based on interacting situational variables in our environment. This theory provides an additional example of how models for learning seemingly mesh important variables from different psychological camps (e.g. behaviorist, cognitivist, and constructivist) more frequently. One important difference between situated cognition and social constructivism is the attention to language as the socially moderated key to meaning in knowledge that is emphasized in situated cognition theory.

    Applying Skeptical Inquiry: Shaped by the World Around Us

    A man wearing several layers of warm clothing and sitting in a run-down building.

    Stockbyte/Thinkstock

    Our backgrounds affect how we process information in our environment. Would everyone who sees this man have the same perception about him?

    Every learner has a unique background of experiences. It is important to remember that part of who we are is what we know, and each of us might know different things. Consider the nearby image. If you were asked to write a story about this image, do you think it would match someone else’s story? The man in this image could represent something different to you than he does to someone else. Maybe one story describes this man as a game hunter, but another story might indicate that this man is homeless. The image might even trigger different personal beliefs or emotions among those who see it.

    Questions

    1. Have you ever judged a person’s actions as unacceptable based on your own notions about acceptable behaviors?

    2. Did you consider that perhaps what that person was doing was common and acceptable in his or her own culture?

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    5.3 Situated Cognition

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    5.3 Situated Cognition

    A person sowing wheat.

    Chepko/iStock/Thinkstock

    A pig sitting in the dirt.

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