Discuss social factors that influence people or groups to conform to the actions of others.

Instructions

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), in 2019, a new strain of the coronavirus disease was discovered. Also known as COVID-19, this strain of the virus had previously not been identified in humans. A worldwide pandemic ensued as the virus quickly spread across the globe, impacting countless lives, including many individuals in the United States.

In an effort to contain the virus, numerous countries’ leaders encouraged social distancing, which is an infection control strategy aimed to help lessen the spread of a contagious disease. This directive was given by leaders in the United States as well. Two schools of thought emerged. In fact, many people were skeptical about the authenticity of this pandemic due to perplexing and often conflicting messages that were received across social media and news outlets. Therefore, numerous Americans assumed business as usual and maintained their daily living and social rituals. On the other hand, scores of others quickly retreated to their homes, embracing the warning provided by some of the nation’s top infectious disease experts.

This assignment provides you with an opportunity to analyze a real-world, peer-reviewed, psychology journal article that contains research examining the social psychology aspects of motivation and emotion. You will then demonstrate your understanding of the article by relating the research and conclusions contained therein to current events.

Begin by visiting the CSU Online Library to locate and choose a journal article in which motivation and emotion are viewed under the lens of social psychology. The article must be peer-reviewed and should be no older than 7 years.

NOTE: You are not required to locate an article about COVID-19; instead, you must find a peer-reviewed journal article concerning research that specifically examines motivation and emotion. You will then be critiquing the article and framing the research and conclusions presented in the article in the context of how they can be applied to behavior and social psychology during such an event as the COVID-19 pandemic.

A good place to start your search is the PsycARTICLES database or the Academic Search Ultimate database. You can access these databases from the Databases box on the library homepage.

For assistance in locating your article, you may find the following tutorial How to Find Journal Articles helpful. Additionally, you may find this tutorial How to Search in PsycARTICLES useful.

Once you have chosen your article about motivation, emotion, and social psychology, you will write an article critique that addresses the following elements.

Explain the research methodology that was used in the study.

Discuss social factors that influence people or groups to conform to the actions of others.

Indicate how behaviors and motivation are impacted by the presence of others. (How does this apply to COVID-19?)

Indicate the structures of the brain that are involved in emotion and motivation. (How could a person’s emotions related to fear drive their behaviors during this pandemic?)

Examine the article’s generalizability to various areas of psychology.

Why would some people choose to follow the orders to avoid social contact and others allow desire for human interaction to be their driving force?

In addition, your article critique should clearly identify the article’s premise and present an insightful and thorough analysis with strong arguments and evidence. You should present your own informed and substantiated opinion on the article’s content and its relation to social psychology during the COVID-19 pandemic. You should use the textbook as your second source to support your analysis and to supplement any information that is not contained in the journal article.

Your article critique must be a minimum of three pages in length, not including the title and reference pages. All sources used must be properly cited. Your article critique, including all references, must be formatted in APA

How Does the Emotional Experience Evolve? Feeling Generation as Evidence Accumulation

Ella Givon, Ayelet Itzhak-Raz, Anat Karmon-Presser, Gal Danieli, and Nachshon Meiran Ben-Gurion University of the Negev

How do people answer the question “How do you feel?” In the present work, participants were given 2 tasks in each trial. They first indicated whether a picture made them feel pleasant (or was supposed to be felt as pleasant, in another group), and then made gender decisions regarding faces. Evidence accumulation modeling showed that (a) reporting genuine feeling is qualitatively different from reporting the supposed feeling; (b) reporting one’s feeling is remarkably similar to gender decisions; and (c) evidence regarding negative feelings accumulates more quickly than in positive feelings. These results support the assumption that when asked, participants report genuine as opposed to supposed feelings and strengthen the analogy between feeling reports and perceptual decisions.

Keywords: emotional feelings, evidence-accumulation modeling, valence

You drive to work, expecting a very important meeting you planned months ahead, and suddenly realizing that the cars ahead of you are slowing down into what initially seems like a heavy traffic jam that would certainly make you miss the meeting. Your heart pounds heavily and you start thinking that it would be a disaster if this meeting would be missed. Your partner calls and asks if you feel good and you immediately reply “not at all.”

In the current work, we aimed to understand how this report of feeling emerges. In other words, we asked how people become aware (conscious) of their emotional experience. We did so by extending previous work from our lab (Karmon-Presser, Sheppes, & Meiran, 2018). In that work, the authors continued theoretical suggestions (James, 1884; Sokolov & Boucsein, 2000; Thagard & Aubie, 2008) which draw an analogy between feeling generation and perceptual decision. Karmon-Presser, Sheppes, and Meiran (2018) extended these suggestions by testing whether a well- established model of perceptual decisions, signal-detection theory (SDT; Macmillan & Creelman, 2004) is an appropriate model for emotional-feeling reports. According to this theorizing, evidence regarding emotion is noisy and (conscious-reportable) feelings emerge once the evidence is sufficiently strong and crosses a decision boundary. However, Karmon-Presser et al. (2018) used SDT, and this model does not take into account the time domain,

namely the time taken to complete the perceptual decision and the rate by which emotional evidence accumulates. We reasoned that if feeling reports truly resemble perceptual decisions, this analogy between emotional feeling and perception should also be reflected in the temporal domain.

Evidence accumulation models (EAMs; Ratcliff & Smith, 2004; Teodorescu & Usher, 2013) fill this gap by explaining how per- ceptual decisions unfold in time. The core assumption of EAMs is that the representation of stimuli is inherently noisy, such that in order to make a decision, one must repeatedly sample evidence regarding the stimulus. A perceptual decision is made once suffi- cient evidence has accumulated. EAMs explain both accuracy and the precise shape of the reaction time (RT) distributions for correct and incorrect answers and as such are considerably more con- strained than SDT. In the following sections, we review literature related to the main areas which are dealt with in this work includ- ing the emotional subjective experience and EAMs.

Feeling: The Conscious Emotional Subjective Experience

Following past research (e.g., Scherer, 1987), some emotion researchers define emotion by their components. Among the com- ponents of emotions are autonomic changes, facial and bodily expressions, thought and action tendencies, and cognitive apprais- als. A highly important component of emotion is the associated conscious experience—the feeling. Here we specifically focus on the awareness of the emotion, for example, being aware of the fact that I feel bad, as reflected in feeling reports.

One cannot overestimate the importance of conscious emotional feelings: Feelings indicate personal relevance (Ekman & David- son, 1994), guide decision making (Clore, Gasper, & Garvin, 2001), and help in understanding the experience of others (Lambie & Marcel, 2002). Additionally, feeling is strongly related to emo- tion regulation, considering that one’s ability to choose optimally which emotion regulation strategy to use is highly depended on one’s ability to recognize her own emotion (Barrett, Gross, Chris-

This article was published Online First March 7, 2019. Ella Givon, Ayelet Itzhak-Raz, Anat Karmon-Presser, Gal Danieli, and

Nachshon Meiran, Department of Psychology and Zlotowski Center for Neuroscience, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.

This research was supported by a research grant from the Israel Science Foundation (381/15). We thank Assaf Kron and Oxana Itekes for providing the instructions used in Itkes et al. (2017), and Maya Weismann for her help in data collection.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ella Givon, Department of Psychology and Zlotowski Center for Neurosci- ence, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheva, Israel. E-mail: ellasharon123@gmail.com

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tensen, & Benvenuto, 2001). The ability to feel varies among people. Evidence for individual differences in the ability to feel can be found in research concerning feeling-related constructs such as emotional awareness (Lane & Schwartz, 1987), emotion differentiation (Barrett et al., 2001), and affective clarity (Lisch- etzke, Cuccodoro, Gauger, Todeschini, & Eid, 2005).

In the current work, we follow the dimensional approach and focus on the valence dimension (e.g., Barrett, 2006; Kron, Gold- stein, Lee, Gardhouse, & Anderson, 2013). Nevertheless, we ac- knowledge the fact that this approach has been criticized (e.g., Zachar & Ellis, 2012), and thus adopt it only as a starting point. Additionally, while using established norms of valence from the Nencki Affective Picture System (NAPS) database (Marchewka, Żurawski, Jednorǒg, & Grabowska, 2014), we compared negative and positive valence as being part of a bipolar scale (Feldman Barrett & Russell, 1998). While our norms are driven from a bipolar scale, our procedure involves a yes/no report and, as such, does not require a full commitment to the bipolar approach. Nev- ertheless, we acknowledge the fact that the choice to use a bipolar scale is also controversial (e.g., Cacioppo & Berntson, 1994). Lastly, since the construct of the emotional experience is charac- terized by heated debates such as the aforementioned ones, we decided to use what seems to be the simplest components of feeling (i.e., valence).

Evidence Accumulation Models (EAMs)

EAMs, whose roots are already half a century old, have become popular in recent years (Bogacz, Brown, Moehlis, Holmes, & Cohen, 2006; Bogacz, Usher, Zhang, & McClelland, 2007; Brown & Heathcote, 2008; Ratcliff & Rouder, 1998; Ratcliff & Smith, 2004; Stone, 1960; Usher & McClelland, 2001; van Ravenzwaaij, Mulder, Tuerlinckx, & Wagenmakers, 2012). These models, as- suming that the evidence for decisions is noisy, can thus be viewed as an extension of SDT. However, in contrast to SDT, EAMs take into account the time domain. EAMs do so by using accuracy and RT data to uncover psychological processes that underlie decision making. All EAMs share a fundamental principle of sequential sampling of evidence regarding choice alternatives. This sampling resolves the noise-related uncertainty through averaging external and internal evidence over time, until the amount of evidence favoring a given choice reaches a threshold. This noise reduction and reliability increase is analogous to how reliability of a psy- chological test score increases when the number of test items increases. In this regard, pieces of evidence can be viewed as test items. EAMs may be viewed as a robot that has controllers (parameters) that specify its behavior. This robot generates re- sponses and RTs for those responses. When “fitting” an EAM, we essentially “play with” the controllers until its responses and RTs closely resembles the data of responses and RTs from actual participants. When resemblance is sufficiently high, we conclude that actual participants probably process the task in the same way that the robot does. This is sometimes referred as “reverse engi- neering.”

Among the various EAMs, we chose to use the linear ballistic accumulator model (LBA; Brown & Heathcote, 2008) in the current study (the reasons for choosing this specific model are discussed in the following section). As we view it (see Sternberg & Backus, 2015), all EAMs, including the LBA, treat RT as

combined of three processing stages: an early processing stage in which low-level features are extracted, a decision stage, and a motor preparation stage in which the decision leads to the pro- gramming of the motor response (see Figure 1a). The core of the model is the elaborated description of the decision stage (see further elaboration below). To get its gist, we will use a sink-filling contest metaphor1 (see Figure 1b) according to which there are two sinks, each being filled with water at a constant rate by a faucet. The decision is based on a race between the sinks in which the sink to become full first is winning. This race begins when there is already water in the sinks.

Anxiety Disorder

ASSIGNMENT 08

S02 Introduction to Psychology II

Directions: Be sure to save an electronic copy of your answer before submitting it to Ashworth College for grading. Unless otherwise stated, answer in complete sentences, and be sure to use correct English, spelling, and grammar. Sources must be cited in APA format. Your response should be double‐spaced; refer to the “Format Requirementsʺ page for specific format requirements.

Objectives: (1) Identify anxiety disorders.

(2) Describe the origin of emotional and psychological issues.

Part A

Susan, a college student, is anxious whenever she must speak. Her anxiety motivates her to prepare meticulously and rehearse material again and again. Is Susan’s reaction normal, or does she have an anxiety disorder? Explain two (2) criteria you used in arriving at your answer.

Part B

In recent years, several best-selling books have argued that most emotional problems can be traced to an unhappy or traumatic childhood (an abusive or dysfunctional family, “toxic” parents, and suppression of the “inner child”). What are two (2) possible benefits of focusing on childhood as the time when emotional problems originate, and what are two (2) possible drawbacks?

Part C

Suppose a member of your family has become increasingly depressed in recent months, and it’s apparent that the person needs treatment. You’re chosen to look into the options and to make decisions about the treatment. Based on information in Chapter 16, how might you proceed? Provide two (2) supporting facts to ju

Psychology Movie Analasys

Identify the movie by title and year. Provide a 2-3 sentence overview of the movie plot. Identify the main characters and provide a 1-sentence description for each.Extrapolate from the movie the individuals that are influenced by the study of or practice of psychology, provide an explanation for the disciplines or sub-disciplines that are involved in the movie. Utilize appropriate vocabulary and terminology in the extrapolation.Identify the psychological disorder of the character(s) in the movie.

Exchange and Communal Relationships

As humans, we are fundamentally social beings whose connections to others are vital
to our health and happiness. As we have noted in many places throughout this book,
the evidence connecting well-being to relationships is overwhelming (see Chapters 3
and 5). David Myers referred to the contribution of relationships to health and happiness as
a “deep truth” (1992, p. 154). The “truth” of the well-being/relationship connection appears
to be universal. Of the many factors that contribute to well-being, only social relationships
CHAPTER OUTLINE
Defining Close Relationships
Characteristics
Exchange and Communal Relationships
On the Lighter Side
Teasing and Humor
Focus on Research: Sharing What Goes Right in Life
Friendship and Romantic Love
Clarity of Rules
Complexity of Feelings
Expectations
Varieties of Love
Passionate versus Companionate Love
Triangular Theory of Love
Cultural Context of Love, Marriage, and Divorce
Why Don’t Marriages Last?
Increased Freedom and Decreased Constraints
Getting Married and Staying Married: Is Love the Answer?
Realism or Idealism?
Satisfaction and Conflict
What People Bring to Romantic Relationships
Attachment Style
Conflict and Communication Skills
Focus on Research: The Power of the “Bad”
Attributions
Implicit Theories and Expectations
Food for Thought: Contours of a Happy Marriage
What Can Happy Couples Tell Us?
Humor and Compatibility
11
Close Relationships
and Well-Being
239
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240 Chapter 11 • Close Relationships and Well-Being
consistently predict happiness across widely differing
cultures (Diener & Diener, 1995).
Relationships are responsible for our greatest
joys and our most painful sorrows. Our physical and
emotional well-being is enhanced as much by supporting
and caring connections with others as it is
jeopardized by social isolation and bad relationships.
For physical health and longevity, the magnitude
of these effects rival those of well-established
health risks such as smoking, obesity, diet, and lack
of exercise (see Chapter 3). The quality of our relationships
has equally powerful effects on mental
health and happiness. Healthy people have strong,
supportive connections to others and happy people
have rich social lives, satisfying friendships, and
happy marriages (see Chapters 3 and 5).
The importance of positive relationships is
widely recognized by psychologists and nonpsychologists
alike. People typically list close relationships
as one of their most important life goals
and a primary source of meaning in life (Emmons,
1999b). In one study, 73% of college students
said they would sacrifice another important life
goal (e.g., good education, career) before they
would give up a satisfying romantic relationship
(Hammersla & Frease-McMahan, 1990). In answer to
the “deathbed test” most people point to relationships
as a major factor that contributes to a satisfying
and meaningful life (Reis & Gable, 2003; Sears,
1977). A full appreciation of the value of close relationships
is one of life’s more important lessons,
often learned in the face of life-threatening events
(see Chapter 4 on Posttraumatic Growth).
We have also discussed the multiple ways that
relationships contribute to well-being. Relationships
provide an important coping resource through
social support, fulfill needs for intimacy and sharing
of life’s burdens through self-disclosure, and represent
an ongoing source of enjoyment and positive
emotions through interactions with others. Many
psychologists believe these positive effects are built
on a biological foundation reflecting our evolutionary
heritage. Humans are not particularly imposing
figures compared to the other animals they confronted
in pre-historic times, and human infants
remain relatively defenseless for many years.
Evolution may have selected for a geneticallyorganized
bonding process. Going it alone likely
meant the end of a person’s genetic lineage. In
short, humans probably would not have survived if
they did not have a built-in biological motive to
form cooperative bonds with others and nurturing
connections with their own offspring. As we noted
in Chapter 5, the evolutionary basis of human connections,
together with the extensive literature
showing the importance of human bonds, led
Baumeister and Leary (1995) to conclude that
belongingness is a fundamental human need which
they described as, “a pervasive drive to form and
maintain at least a minimum quantity of lasting, positive,
and significant interpersonal relationships”
(p. 497). Food and water are essential supplies for a
healthy life. Similarly, caring relationships with others
also appear to be essential to well-being.
Recent studies have begun to explore some of
the biological underpinnings of our need for
belonging. For example, oxytocin is a pituitary hormone
that has physiological effects that counter the
flight-or-fight stress response. That is, this hormone
reduces fearfulness and the physiological arousal
associated with stress by producing relaxation and
calmness (Carter, 1998; Taylor, Klein, Lewis, et al.,
2000; Uvnas-Moberg, 1998). Oxytocin is sometimes
referred to as the “cuddle hormone” because close
physical contacts such as touching, hugging, and
kissing stimulate its release (Hazan, Campa, & Gur-
Yaish, 2006). Oxytocin is responsible for the release
of milk in nursing mothers. The calm emotional
state and feelings of safety produced by the hormone
are thought to contribute to infant–maternal
bonds. For both men and women, oxytocin levels
are at their highest during sexual orgasm (Uvnas-
Moberg, 1997). These findings suggest that our
desire for intimate connections with others and the
comfort these connections provide are at least partially
mediated by biological responses. Obviously,
there’s more to a hug than just biology, but that hug
might not feel quite as good if it weren’t for biology.
The connection of satisfying relationships to
well-being is clear. What is not so clear is how people
develop and maintain good relationships. In this
chapter, we will explore what psychologists have
learned about close, intimate relationships that
addresses the following sorts of questions: What is
the difference between close relationships and more
casual acquaintances? How does an intimate connection
develop between two people? What does it
mean to be someone’s friend? To be in love? What
characterizes good and bad relationships? Given the
widely shared belief in the importance of close relationships,
why do half of all marriages end in
divorce? Why is it so difficult to sustain a satisfying
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Chapter 11 • Close Relationships and Well-Being 241
long-term marriage? Can “happy” couples tell us
something about the ingredients of a successful
marriage?
DEFINING CLOSE RELATIONSHIPS
Characteristics
We encounter many people each day as we shop,
talk on the phone, keep appointments, visit, work,
go to school, go to church, and relax with family
members, friends, or spouses at the end of the
day. While all the relationships involved in these
encounters are potentially significant, researchers
have spent most of their time studying our closest
relationships—specifically friendship, romantic love,
and marriage. Our best friends, lovers, and spouses
are the most important people in our lives and have
the most impact on our overall well-being across the
life span.
Close relationships can be distinguished from
more casual acquaintances in a number of ways,
but the degree of intimacy seems most central to
the distinction. In everyday language, intimacy
often implies a sexual and romantic relationship.
We may be more likely to describe a good friend as
a best friend or a close friend, rather than an intimate
friend. However, relationship researchers use
the term “intimacy” to capture mutual understanding,
depth of connection, and degree of involvement,
whether or not the relationship is sexual. The
term “intimacy” can apply both to friends and to
lovers. It is in this sense that our closest relationships,
sexual or not, are the most intimate ones.
Although some researchers believe that close relationships
and intimate relationships are distinct and
independent types (see Berscheid & Reis, 1998), we
will use the term “intimate” to describe our closest
relationships.
Based on an extensive review of the literature,
Miller, Perlman, and Brehm (2007) suggest that both
lay-persons and psychologists seem to agree on six
core characteristics that set intimate relationships
apart from more casual relationships: knowledge,
trust, caring, interdependence, mutuality, and commitment
(see also Berscheid & Reis, 1998; Harvey &
Weber, 2002).
Brief descriptions of these six characteristics
are given in Table 11.1.
KNOWLEDGE Our closest friends and intimate partners
know more about us than anyone else. They
have extensive knowledge of our personal history,
deepest feelings, strengths, and faults. Intimate
knowledge in close relations develops through the
mutual self-disclosure of personal information and
feelings. Self-disclosure means revealing intimate
details of the self to others (Derlega, Metts,
Petronio, & Margulis, 1993). These details have to
do with our “true self” and the actual state of affairs
in our lives, which is likely different than the public
self presented to less intimate others in everyday
interactions. That is, we share things with intimate
others that we typically keep private when we are
in the company of strangers or casual acquaintances.
Sharing of personal information, in turn,
provides the basis for developing a deeper connection
than is typical in casual associations. To have
someone accept, like or love you, when they know
you as you know yourself, is powerful affirmation
of the essence and totality of self. This is one reason
why rejection by a good friend or romantic
partner may be so painful. The relatively complete
self-knowledge shared with another may make
rejection by that person feel profound. In contrast,
the rejection of someone who has minimal and partial
knowledge of us is likely to be less upsetting,
TABLE 11.1 Characteristics of intimate relationships
Knowledge—mutual understanding based on reciprocal self-disclosure.
Trust—assumption of no harm will be done by the other. Keeping confidences.
Caring—genuine concern for the other and ongoing monitoring and maintenance of relationship
Interdependence—intertwining of lives and mutual influence.
Mutuality—sense of “we-ness” and overlapping of lives.
Commitment—intention to stay in the relationship through its ups and downs.
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Positive Psychology, by Steve R. Baumgardner and Marie K. Crothers. Published by Prentice Hall. Copyright © 2009 by Pearson Education, Inc.
242 Chapter 11 • Close Relationships and Well-Being
because only the more superficial aspects of the
self are invested.
Research suggests that self-disclosure both signifies
and enhances mutual liking and affection. A
major review by Collins and Miller (1994) found
strong empirical support for three disclosure-liking
effects. (1) We disclose to people we like. (2) We
like people who disclose intimate self-information
more than those whose disclosures are less intimate.
(3) We like people to whom we have disclosed.
Research has also identified a strong tendency for
disclosure to beget disclosure, an effect called
disclosure reciprocity (Derlega et al., 1993; Miller,
1990; Reis & Shaver, 1988). People tend to both
reciprocate a disclosure and match its level of intimacy.
The process often begins with non-intimate
information and then moves on to more intimate
factual and emotional disclosures over time. If initial
conversations are rewarding, then over time both
the breadth (diversity of topics) and the depth (personal
significance and sensitivity) of topics that are
discussed increases (Altman & Taylor, 1973). This
movement of communication from small talk to the
exchange of more sensitive personal information is
considered central to the development of relationships.
Reciprocal self-disclosure captures the
process of how we get to know someone. The
knowledge that results from disclosure describes
what it means to know and be known by someone.
The power of self-disclosure to produce feelings
of closeness is dramatically shown by a study
that manipulated the intimacy of two conversation
partners (Aron, Melinat, Aron, Vallone, & Bator,
1997). Participants began their exchange as complete
strangers. They were first instructed to talk for
15 minutes about personal topics that were relatively
low in intimacy such as, “When did you last
sing to yourself?” During the second 15-minute interval,
topic intimacy increased to include things like,
“What is your most treasured memory?” During the
final 15 minutes, conversation partners were
instructed to talk about very personal topics invoked
by questions such as, “When did you last cry in front
of another person? By yourself?” “Complete this sentence:
‘I wish I had someone with whom I could
share . . .’ ” Compared to a group of non-disclosing
participants who engaged in 45 minutes of small
talk (e.g., “What’s is your favorite holiday?”), participants
in the disclosure condition reported feeling
very close to their conversational partners by the
conclusion of the experience. The researchers
compared closeness ratings for the group that
engaged in self-disclosure and the group that made
small-talk. Surprisingly, the experimental subjects
reported feeling closer to their experimental partners,
than one-third of the small-talk subjects
reported feeling to the person with whom they
shared the closest real-life relationship! This is
strong evidence for the importance of self-disclosure
to the development of intimacy.
Reciprocal disclosure is most evident at the
beginning of relationships and less so once relationships
are well established (Altman, 1973; Derlega,
Wilson, & Chaikin, 1976). In a new friendship, we
are likely to feel an obligation to reciprocate when a
person opens up to us with personal information. In
a budding romance, the disclosure may be quite
rapid and emotionally arousing, which may add to
the passion we feel. Telling a romantic partner your
deepest secrets and your innermost feelings is exciting,
especially when it is reciprocated. One of the
ironies of romance is that the better we know our
partners, the less we may experience the excitement
of disclosure. Baumeister and Bratslavsky (1999)
argue that passion and deepening intimacy are
strongly linked. They believe one reason passion
fades in long-term marriages is that spouses already
know most everything about each other.
In well-established relationships, intimacy is
sustained more by responsiveness than by reciprocity
(Reis & Patrick, 1996). That is, in our interactions
with best friends, family members, and marital partners,
it is less important to reciprocate and more
important to respond in a supporting, caring, and
affectionate manner (Laurenceau, Barrett, &
Pietromonaco, 1998). If you tell your spouse all your
angry feelings about your boss after a bad day at
work, you aren’t looking for reciprocation. You
don’t really want to hear about her or his bad day at
that moment. What you want is a sounding board, a
sympathetic ear, and expressions of care and empathy
for your feelings.
TRUST Mutual trust is another vital ingredient of
intimate and close relationships. To trust someone
means that you expect they will do you no harm.
Chief among the harms we are concerned about is
the breaking of confidences. When we open up to
other people we make ourselves vulnerable. It is a
bit like taking your clothes off and feeling selfconscious
about the less than perfect shape of
your body. In a network of friends or co-workers,
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Positive Psychology, by Steve R. Baumgardner and Marie K. Crothers. Published by Prentice Hall. Copyright © 2009 by Pearson Education, Inc.
Chapter 11 • Close Relationships and Well-Being 243
sensitive information can have damaging consequences
if someone tells others how you “really”
feel about someone—your boss, for example.
Violation of trust is damaging to relationships and
will likely lead the betrayed person to be less
open and more guarded in revealing personally
sensitive information in the future (Jones, Crouch,
& Scott, 1997). Trust is an essential ingredient in
close relationships, partly because it is a necessary
precondition for self-disclosure. We don’t disclose
to people we don’t trust.
CARING Caring means concern for and attention
to the feelings of others. We feel more affection
and appreciation for our close partners than for
most people. When we ask a casual acquaintance,
“how are you doing?” we most often expect and
receive an obligatory and cliché response: “Fine,”
“Hanging in there,” “Not bad,” and so forth.
Neither person expects a deep revelation about
personal feelings. At one level, in those passing
greetings, we aren’t actually asking for information
about how the person is really doing. We’re just
following polite social rules for greeting and
acknowledging people as we encounter them. In
our intimate relationships, the same question carries
different expectations. We expect and want a
more detailed and genuine response, especially if
things are not going well. And the other person is
expected to be more honest in describing how
they really feel, and not to pass off the question
with a stock answer used in low-intimacy
exchanges. Caring also involves all the little things
we do to express our appreciation and valuing of
a relationship: providing support in times of need;
recognizing special occasions like birthdays, holidays,
and anniversaries; inviting people for dinner
and other shared activities; and keeping in touch
with a phone call or an invitation to get together
over coffee or lunch. All these things reflect the
simple fact that more intimate relationships take
high priority in our lives. We have more invested,
so we take care to maintain the quality of our
close relationships.