Discussion: Purposeful Sampling And Saturation

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What is a good sample in qualitative research? It is NOT about size or generalizability.

The answer lies in how clearly you articulate the criteria for selecting data sources; (b) your ability to purposefully select cases; and (c) the extent to which those cases are “information-rich… for in-depth study” (Patton, 2015, p. 264) with respect to the purpose of the study.

As you prepare for this week’s Discussion, consider turning your attention to the variety of purposeful sampling strategies you may consider in developing your research plan. Also consider that qualitative researchers seek a threshold or cut-off point for when to stop collecting data. There is no magic number (although there are guidelines). Rather, saturation occurs as an interface between the researcher and the data and (b) between data collection and data analysis to determine when enough is enough.

For this Discussion, you will critique a sampling strategy used in a research article.

To prepare for this Discussion:

  • Review the Yob and Brewer article (attached)

POST:

 

Prepare a critique of the sampling strategy used by Yob and Brewer (n.d.). Include the following your critique:

1. Purpose of the Yob and Brewer Study: the purpose of the study

2. Research Questions Used by Yob and Brewer (if they are not included please infer and create RQs):

3. Site Selection (where the study took place)Site selection

4. Type of Sampling Yob and Brewer Used: The type of purposeful sampling strategy the researchers applied. (Note: Use Table 4.3 in the Ravitch & Carl text or from Patton’s Chapter 5 to identify and describe the strategy that you think best fits what they described.)

5. An Alternative Sampling Strategy Yob and Brewer Could Have Used: An alternative sampling strategy that the researchers could have considered. Explain your choice in terms of how the strategy is consistent with their research purpose and criteria for selecting cases.

6. Data Saturation Definition (below, I gave it to you above. You can use it.) Provide a data saturation definition and evaluate the work of the researchers in this article regarding their efforts to achieve data saturation. Note what the researchers could have done differently to convince you that the relevant and important themes emerged.

ATTENTION: Please note that data saturation and thematic saturation are completely different. One or more of your authors use the terms interchangeably. They are not the same. Data saturation: this is when no additional data will produce any new information. Data saturation occurs at around 6 participants in the majority of studies. Some studies that require a diverse sample may need a slightly larger sample. An example would be that after 6 interviews you kept hearing the same responses to questions. You have achieved data saturation. Data saturation occurs during interviews. Thematic saturation: this is when no additional data will produce any new themes. Thematic saturation occurs at around 12 participants. Some studies that require a diverse sample may require more participants for this to occur. An example would be that as you analyzed your data you found that no new themes emerged. Thematic saturation occurs at the analysis stage.

Expose you to professional literature in your discipline.

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[U09a1] Unit 9 Assignment 1

Journal Article Summary

For this assignment, you will identify a published research article either in the print literature or online in the Capella Library. Your article must be based on empirical (data-based) research; qualitative or purely descriptive research is not appropriate. Select a journal article in your career specialization that reports a correlation, a t test, a one-way ANOVA, or some combination of these test statistics. The library guides listed in the Resources area can help you to locate appropriate articles.

The intent of this assignment is to:

  • Expose you to professional literature in your discipline.
  • Provide practice in the interpretation of statistical results contained in an empirical (data-based) journal article.
  • Provide practice in writing and thinking in a concise and economical manner that is typical of scientific discourse.

You will summarize the article in a maximum of 600 words using the DAA Template located in the Resources area. Specific instructions for completing each section of the DAA Template are listed below.

You may use some of the author’s own words to summarize the article with proper citation, but avoid lengthy direct quotes (such as copying multiple sentences or paragraphs verbatim). You should not exceed the limit of 600 words. This is a situation where less is better.

Step 1: Write Section 1 of the DAA.

  • Provide a brief summary of the journal article.
  • Include a definition of the specified variables (predictor, outcome) and corresponding scales of measurement (nominal, continuous).
  • Specify the sample size of the data set.
  • Discuss why the journal article is relevant to your career specialization.

Step 2: Write Section 2 of the DAA.

  • Discuss the assumptions of the statistical test used in the journal article.
    • If possible, identify information in the article about how these assumptions were tested.
    • If no information on assumptions is provided, consider this as a limitation of the reported study.

Step 3: Write Section 3 of the DAA.

  • Specify the research question from the journal article.
  • Articulate the null hypothesis and alternative hypothesis.

Step 4: Write Section 4 of the DAA.

  • Report the results of the statistical test using proper APA guidelines. This includes:
    • The statistical notation (such as r, t, or F).
    • The degrees of freedom.
    • The statistical value of r, t, or F, and the p value.
  • Report the effect size and interpretation if one is provided.
  • Interpret the test statistic with regard to the null hypothesis.

Step 5: Write Section 5 of the DAA.

  • Discuss the conclusions of the statistical test as it relates to the research question.
  • Conclude with an analysis of the strengths and limitations of the study reported in the journal article.

Submit your DAA Template as an attached Word document in the assignment area.

Note: Your instructor may also use the Writing Feedback Tool to provide feedback on your writing. In the tool, click the linked resources for helpful writing information.

Resources

  • Journal Article Summary Scoring Guide.
  • Research Guide: Psychology.
  • Writing Feedback Tool.
  • APA Style and Format.
  • DAA Template [DOCX].
  • Finding Articles by Type: Empirical Research.

Determine if this is a directional or non-directional test. Please explain your answer.

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hypothesis testing  by writing a paper that addresses the following:

  • Provide an example of a hypothesis where a one-tailed hypothesis test would be used.
  • Provide an example of a hypothesis where a two-tailed hypothesis test would be used.
  • If a researcher has set alpha at 0.05 for a two-tailed hypothesis test, what is the p-value required to reject the null hypothesis?
  • A researcher has set alpha at 0.05. When the researcher analyzes the  data from the experiment using a software program, she obtains a p-value equal to 0.932. Based on this p-value, should the researcher reject the null hypothesis or fail to reject the null hypothesis? Please explain your answer.
  • A researcher has set alpha at 0.01. When the researcher analyzes the  data from the experiment using a software program, he obtains a p-value equal to 0.04. Based on this p-value, should the researcher reject the null hypothesis or fail to reject the null hypothesis? Please explain your answer.
  • A researcher is interested in whether music played during an exam  will improve exam performance. Students in one class listen to music  during an exam and students in another class take the exam in silence.  The researcher set alpha at 0.05. Test scores for both classes are  compared using a statistical software program. The mean test score for  the class that listened to music during the exam is 95, while the mean  test score for the class that took the exam in silence is 82. The  obtained p-value from the independent groups t-test is 0.02. Be sure to answer the following questions:
    • State the null and alternative hypothesis.
    • Determine if this is a directional or non-directional test. Please explain your answer.
    • Establish the conclusion of this study based on the p-value and the means provided.
    • Describe the Type I error for this study.
    • Describe the Type II error for this study.

Length:1-2 pages

Your paper should demonstrate thoughtful consideration of the ideas  and concepts presented in the course by providing new thoughts and  insights relating directly to this topic. Your response should reflect  scholarly writing and current APA standards.

Abstract

Hypothesis testing is an important activity of empirical research and evidence-based medicine. A well worked up hypothesis is half the answer to the research question. For this, both knowledge of the subject derived from extensive review of the literature and working knowledge of basic statistical concepts are desirable. The present paper discusses the methods of working up a good hypothesis and statistical concepts of hypothesis testing.

Keywords: Effect size, Hypothesis testing, Type I error, Type II error

Karl Popper is probably the most influential philosopher of science in the 20thcentury (Wulff et al., 1986). Many scientists, even those who do not usually read books on philosophy, are acquainted with the basic principles of his views on science. The popularity of Popper’s philosophy is due partly to the fact that it has been well explained in simple terms by, among others, the Nobel Prize winner Peter Medawar (Medawar, 1969). Popper makes the very important point that empirical scientists (those who stress on observations only as the starting point of research) put the cart in front of the horse when they claim that science proceeds from observation to theory, since there is no such thing as a pure observation which does not depend on theory. Popper states, “… the belief that we can start with pure observation alone, without anything in the nature of a theory, is absurd: As may be illustrated by the story of the man who dedicated his life to natural science, wrote down everything he could observe, and bequeathed his ‘priceless’ collection of observations to the Royal Society to be used as inductive (empirical) evidence.

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STARTING POINT OF RESEARCH: HYPOTHESIS OR OBSERVATION?

The first step in the scientific process is not observation but the generation of a hypothesis which may then be tested critically by observations and experiments. Popper also makes the important claim that the goal of the scientist’s efforts is not the verification but the falsification of the initial hypothesis. It is logically impossible to verify the truth of a general law by repeated observations, but, at least in principle, it is possible to falsify such a law by a single observation. Repeated observations of white swans did not prove that all swans are white, but the observation of a single black swan sufficed to falsify that general statement (Popper, 1976).

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CHARACTERISTICS OF A GOOD HYPOTHESIS

A good hypothesis must be based on a good research question. It should be simple, specific and stated in advance (Hulley et al., 2001).

Hypothesis should be simple

A simple hypothesis contains one predictor and one outcome variable, e.g. positive family history of schizophrenia increases the risk of developing the condition in first-degree relatives. Here the single predictor variable is positive family history of schizophrenia and the outcome variable is schizophrenia. A complex hypothesis contains more than one predictor variable or more than one outcome variable, e.g., a positive family history and stressful life events are associated with an increased incidence of Alzheimer’s disease. Here there are 2 predictor variables, i.e., positive family history and stressful life events, while one outcome variable, i.e., Alzheimer’s disease. Complex hypothesis like this cannot be easily tested with a single statistical test and should always be separated into 2 or more simple hypotheses.

Hypothesis should be specific

A specific hypothesis leaves no ambiguity about the subjects and variables, or about how the test of statistical significance will be applied. It uses concise operational definitions that summarize the nature and source of the subjects and the approach to measuring variables (History of medication with tranquilizers, as measured by review of medical store records and physicians’ prescriptions in the past year, is more common in patients who attempted suicides than in controls hospitalized for other conditions). This is a long-winded sentence, but it explicitly states the nature of predictor and outcome variables, how they will be measured and the research hypothesis. Often these details may be included in the study proposal and may not be stated in the research hypothesis. However, they should be clear in the mind of the investigator while conceptualizing the study.

Hypothesis should be stated in advance

The hypothesis must be stated in writing during the proposal state. This will help to keep the research effort focused on the primary objective and create a stronger basis for interpreting the study’s results as compared to a hypothesis that emerges as a result of inspecting the data. The habit of post hoc hypothesis testing (common among researchers) is nothing but using third-degree methods on the data (data dredging), to yield at least something significant. This leads to overrating the occasional chance associations in the study.

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TYPES OF HYPOTHESES

For the purpose of testing statistical significance, hypotheses are classified by the way they describe the expected difference between the study groups.

Null and alternative hypotheses

The null hypothesis states that there is no association between the predictor and outcome variables in the population (There is no difference between tranquilizer habits of patients with attempted suicides and those of age- and sex- matched “control” patients hospitalized for other diagnoses). The null hypothesis is the formal basis for testing statistical significance. By starting with the proposition that there is no association, statistical tests can estimate the probability that an observed association could be due to chance.

The proposition that there is an association — that patients with attempted suicides will report different tranquilizer habits from those of the controls — is called the alternative hypothesis. The alternative hypothesis cannot be tested directly; it is accepted by exclusion if the test of statistical significance rejects the null hypothesis.

One- and two-tailed alternative hypotheses

A one-tailed (or one-sided) hypothesis specifies the direction of the association between the predictor and outcome variables. The prediction that patients of attempted suicides will have a higher rate of use of tranquilizers than control patients is a one-tailed hypothesis. A two-tailed hypothesis states only that an association exists; it does not specify the direction. The prediction that patients with attempted suicides will have a different rate of tranquilizer use — either higher or lower than control patients — is a two-tailed hypothesis. (The word tails refers to the tail ends of the statistical distribution such as the familiar bell-shaped normal curve that is used to test a hypothesis. One tail represents a positive effect or association; the other, a negative effect.) A one-tailed hypothesis has the statistical advantage of permitting a smaller sample size as compared to that permissible by a two-tailed hypothesis. Unfortunately, one-tailed hypotheses are not always appropriate; in fact, some investigators believe that they should never be used. However, they are appropriate when only one direction for the association is important or biologically meaningful. An example is the one-sided hypothesis that a drug has a greater frequency of side effects than a placebo; the possibility that the drug has fewer side effects than the placebo is not worth testing. Whatever strategy is used, it should be stated in advance; otherwise, it would lack statistical rigor. Data dredging after it has been collected and post hoc deciding to change over to one-tailed hypothesis testing to reduce the sample size and P value are indicative of lack of scientific integrity.

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STATISTICAL PRINCIPLES OF HYPOTHESIS TESTING

A hypothesis (for example, Tamiflu [oseltamivir], drug of choice in H1N1 influenza, is associated with an increased incidence of acute psychotic manifestations) is either true or false in the real world. Because the investigator cannot study all people who are at risk, he must test the hypothesis in a sample of that target population. No matter how many data a researcher collects, he can never absolutely prove (or disprove) his hypothesis. There will always be a need to draw inferences about phenomena in the population from events observed in the sample (Hulley et al., 2001). In some ways, the investigator’s problem is similar to that faced by a judge judging a defendant [Table 1]. The absolute truth whether the defendant committed the crime cannot be determined. Instead, the judge begins by presuming innocence — the defendant did not commit the crime. The judge must decide whether there is sufficient evidence to reject the presumed innocence of the defendant; the standard is known as beyond a reasonable doubt. A judge can err, however, by convicting a defendant who is innocent, or by failing to convict one who is actually guilty. In similar fashion, the investigator starts by presuming the null hypothesis, or no association between the predictor and outcome variables in the population. Based on the data collected in his sample, the investigator uses statistical tests to determine whether there is sufficient evidence to reject the null hypothesis in favor of the alternative hypothesis that there is an association in the population. The standard for these tests is shown as the level of statistical significance.

Table 1

The analogy between judge’s decisions and statistical tests

Judge’s decision Statistical test
Innocence: The defendant did not commit crime Null hypothesis: No association between Tamiflu and psychotic manifestations
Guilt: The defendant did commit the crime Alternative hypothesis: There is association between Tamiflu and psychosis
Standard for rejecting innocence: Beyond a reasonable doubt Standard for rejecting null hypothesis: Level of statistical significance (à)
Correct judgment: Convict a criminal Correct inference: Conclude that there is an association when one does exist in the population
Correct judgment: Acquit an innocent person Correct inference: Conclude that there is no association between Tamiflu and psychosis when one does not exist
Incorrect judgment: Convict an innocent person. Incorrect inference (Type I error): Conclude that there is an association when there actually is none
Incorrect judgment: Acquit a criminal Incorrect inference (Type II error): Conclude that there is no association when there actually is one

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TYPE I (ALSO KNOWN AS ‘α’) AND TYPE II (ALSO KNOWN AS ‘β’)ERRORS

Just like a judge’s conclusion, an investigator’s conclusion may be wrong. Sometimes, by chance alone, a sample is not representative of the population. Thus the results in the sample do not reflect reality in the population, and the random error leads to an erroneous inference. A type I error (false-positive) occurs if an investigator rejects a null hypothesis that is actually true in the population; a type II error (false-negative) occurs if the investigator fails to reject a null hypothesis that is actually false in the population. Although type I and type II errors can never be avoided entirely, the investigator can reduce their likelihood by increasing the sample size (the larger the sample, the lesser is the likelihood that it will differ substantially from the population).

False-positive and false-negative results can also occur because of bias (observer, instrument, recall, etc.). (Errors due to bias, however, are not referred to as type I and type II errors.) Such errors are troublesome, since they may be difficult to detect and cannot usually be quantified.

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EFFECT SIZE

The likelihood that a study will be able to detect an association between a predictor variable and an outcome variable depends, of course, on the actual magnitude of that association in the target population. If it is large (such as 90% increase in the incidence of psychosis in people who are on Tamiflu), it will be easy to detect in the sample. Conversely, if the size of the association is small (such as 2% increase in psychosis), it will be difficult to detect in the sample. Unfortunately, the investigator often does not know the actual magnitude of the association — one of the purposes of the study is to estimate it. Instead, the investigator must choose the size of the association that he would like to be able to detect in the sample. This quantity is known as the effect size. Selecting an appropriate effect size is the most difficult aspect of sample size planning. Sometimes, the investigator can use data from other studies or pilot tests to make an informed guess about a reasonable effect size. When there are no data with which to estimate it, he can choose the smallest effect size that would be clinically meaningful, for example, a 10% increase in the incidence of psychosis. Of course, from the public health point of view, even a 1% increase in psychosis incidence would be important. Thus the choice of the effect size is always somewhat arbitrary, and considerations of feasibility are often paramount. When the number of available subjects is limited, the investigator may have to work backward to determine whether the effect size that his study will be able to detect with that number of subjects is reasonable.

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α,β,AND POWER

After a study is completed, the investigator uses statistical tests to try to reject the null hypothesis in favor of its alternative (much in the same way that a prosecuting attorney tries to convince a judge to reject innocence in favor of guilt). Depending on whether the null hypothesis is true or false in the target population, and assuming that the study is free of bias, 4 situations are possible, as shown in Table 2 below. In 2 of these, the findings in the sample and reality in the population are concordant, and the investigator’s inference will be correct. In the other 2 situations, either a type I (α) or a type II (β) error has been made, and the inference will be incorrect.

Table 2

Truth in the population versus the results in the study sample: The four possibilities

Truth in the population Association + nt No association
Reject null hypothesis Correct Type I error
Fail to reject null hypothesis Type II error Correct

The investigator establishes the maximum chance of making type I and type II errors in advance of the study. The probability of committing a type I error (rejecting the null hypothesis when it is actually true) is called α (alpha) the other name for this is the level of statistical significance.

If a study of Tamiflu and psychosis is designed with α = 0.05, for example, then the investigator has set 5% as the maximum chance of incorrectly rejecting the null hypothesis (and erroneously inferring that use of Tamiflu and psychosis incidence are associated in the population). This is the level of reasonable doubt that the investigator is willing to accept when he uses statistical tests to analyze the data after the study is completed.

The probability of making a type II error (failing to reject the null hypothesis when it is actually false) is called β (beta). The quantity (1 – β) is called power, the probability of observing an effect in the sample (if one), of a specified effect size or greater exists in the population.

If β is set at 0.10, then the investigator has decided that he is willing to accept a 10% chance of missing an association of a given effect size between Tamiflu and psychosis. This represents a power of 0.90, i.e., a 90% chance of finding an association of that size. For example, suppose that there really would be a 30% increase in psychosis incidence if the entire population took Tamiflu. Then 90 times out of 100, the investigator would observe an effect of that size or larger in his study. This does not mean, however, that the investigator will be absolutely unable to detect a smaller effect; just that he will have less than 90% likelihood of doing so.

Ideally alpha and beta errors would be set at zero, eliminating the possibility of false-positive and false-negative results. In practice they are made as small as possible. Reducing them, however, usually requires increasing the sample size. Sample size planning aims at choosing a sufficient number of subjects to keep alpha and beta at acceptably low levels without making the study unnecessarily expensive or difficult.

Many studies set alpha at 0.05 and beta at 0.20 (a power of 0.80). These are somewhat arbitrary values, and others are sometimes used; the conventional range for alpha is between 0.01 and 0.10; and for beta, between 0.05 and 0.20. In general the investigator should choose a low value of alpha when the research question makes it particularly important to avoid a type I (false-positive) error, and he should choose a low value of beta when it is especially important to avoid a type II error.

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P VALUE

The null hypothesis acts like a punching bag: It is assumed to be true in order to shadowbox it into false with a statistical test. When the data are analyzed, such tests determine the P value, the probability of obtaining the study results by chance if the null hypothesis is true. The null hypothesis is rejected in favor of the alternative hypothesis if the P value is less than alpha, the predetermined level of statistical significance (Daniel, 2000). “Nonsignificant” results — those with P value greater than alpha — do not imply that there is no association in the population; they only mean that the association observed in the sample is small compared with what could have occurred by chance alone. For example, an investigator might find that men with family history of mental illness were twice as likely to develop schizophrenia as those with no family history, but with a P value of 0.09. This means that even if family history and schizophrenia were not associated in the population, there was a 9% chance of finding such an association due to random error in the sample. If the investigator had set the significance level at 0.05, he would have to conclude that the association in the sample was “not statistically significant.” It might be tempting for the investigator to change his mind about the level of statistical significance ex post facto and report the results “showed statistical significance at P < 10”. A better choice would be to report that the “results, although suggestive of an association, did not achieve statistical significance (P = .09)”. This solution acknowledges that statistical significance is not an “all or none” situation.

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CONCLUSION

Hypothesis testing is the sheet anchor of empirical research and in the rapidly emerging practice of evidence-based medicine. However, empirical research and, ipso facto, hypothesis testing have their limits. The empirical approach to research cannot eliminate uncertainty completely. At the best, it can quantify uncertainty. This uncertainty can be of 2 types: Type I error (falsely rejecting a null hypothesis) and type II error (falsely accepting a null hypothesis). The acceptable magnitudes of type I and type II errors are set in advance and are important for sample size calculations. Another important point to remember is that we cannot ‘prove’ or ‘disprove’ anything by hypothesis testing and statistical tests. We can only knock down or reject the null hypothesis and by default accept the alternative hypothesis. If we fail to reject the null hypothesis, we accept it by default.

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Footnotes

Source of Support: Nil

Conflict of Interest: None declared.

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REFERENCES

1. Daniel W. W. In: Biostatistics. 7th ed. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc; 2002. Hypothesis testing; pp. 204–294. [Google Scholar]

2. Hulley S. B, Cummings S. R, Browner W. S, Grady D, Hearst N, Newman T. B. 2nd ed. Philadelphia: Lippincott Williams and Wilkins; 2001. Getting ready to estimate sample size: Hypothesis and underlying principles In: Designing Clinical Research-An epidemiologic approach; pp. 51–63. [Google Scholar]

3. Medawar P. B. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society; 1969. Induction and intuition in scientific thought. [Google Scholar]

4. Popper K. Unended Quest. An Intellectual Autobiography. Fontana Collins; p. 42. [Google Scholar]

5. Wulff H. R, Pedersen S. A, Rosenberg R. Oxford: Blackwell Scientific Publicatons; Empirism and Realism: A philosophical problem. In: Philosophy of Medicine. [Google Scholar]

The African Worldview and Spirituality

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Assignment Instructions

\THIS IS FOR WEEK 7!!

The Learning Reflection Journal is a compilation of weekly learning reflections you’ll independently write about across Weeks 2, 3, 5, 6 and 7. During each of the assigned weeks, you will write two paragraphs, each 300 words in length (i.e., 600 words total). The first paragraph will describe a topic that you found particularly interesting during that week and what made it interesting, and the second paragraph will describe something that you have observed occurring in the real world that exemplified that topic. Only one topic may be recorded in the journal for each assigned week and your observed real word occurrence must be clearly related to it.

READING

Personality Theory

Created July 7, 2017 by userMark Kelland

To suggest that there is such a thing as an African personality may be misleading.  Africa is the second largest continent, with just over 1 billion people spread out among over fifty different countries.  It has been the target of extensive colonization over the centuries, and the struggle for liberation from European countries has surely left an indelible mark on the nature of the people there.  In addition, the Sahara Desert creates a significant natural division of the people in the north from those in the south.  The people of North Africa are primarily Arab-Berber Muslims, with ready access to southern Europe across the Mediterranean Sea.  This region can rightly be viewed as an extension of Western Asia, in terms of culture, spirituality, and race/ethnicity (Chatterji, 1960; Senghor, 1971).  In contrast, the Black Africans live south of the Sahara Desert, and they are the people usually referred to when we think about Africans.  Indeed, for the remainder of this section I will use the term African to refer to Blacks living in Sub-Saharan Africa.  Though many people in Africa identity themselves in terms of their unique ethnicity, history, and geography, this book would be incomplete if no effort was made to address the people of this continent.  Keep in mind, however, that there is a great deal more work to do regarding our understanding of indigenous people around the entire world.

In 1999, James Lassiter wrote a very helpful article covering many of the historical problems that have affected the study of personality in Africa.  Unfortunately, many studies sought to identify the nature of personality among Africans in terms of Western ideals, values, and socioeconomic and technological advancement.  This biased view created a very negative attitude toward the people of Africa, a negative attitude that the people of Africa often adopted themselves.  Thus, the study of personality fell into disrepute, and largely came to a halt.  However, a number of professionals from other disciplines, such as sociology and anthropology, continued to examine whether or not there were characteristics common to the people of Africa, a unique and valuable personality distinct from other regions of the world.  Though some controversy remains, and the definitions of what personality is from an African perspective are quite different than those we might recognize in traditional Western psychology, this work has led to some interesting insights.  Fundamentally, these perspectives are summarized by the following simple proverb:

Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu (a person is a person through other persons)

– Xhosa proverb (cited in Lassiter, 1999 and Tutu, 1999)

The African Worldview and Spirituality

For many authors, a common African personality derives from a common African worldview.  According to Khoapa (1980), an African’s existential reality is one of collective being, they seek to understand the world through their intersection with all aspects of the world and other people.  This worldview is holistic and humanistic, and it focuses on interdependence, collective survival, harmony, an important role for the aged, the oral tradition, continuity of life, and rhythm.  In addition, there is a fundamental belief in a metaphysical connection between all that exists within the universe, through an all-pervasive energy or “spirit” that is the essence of all things (Chatterji, 1960; Grills, 2002; Grills & Ajei, 2002; Khoapa, 1980; Mwikamba, 2005; Myers, 1988; Obasi, 2002; Parham et al., 1999; Senghor, 1965, 1971; Sofola, 1973).

At the center of the African worldview is spirit, or life itself, a vital force that animates the universe and that imparts feeling to all things from God down to the smallest grain of sand.  Although this spirit pervades all things, there is a distinct hierarchy among the things that make up the universe.  At the top of the hierarchy is God, followed by the ancestors (including the founders of the tribes, aka the “god-like ones”) and the living.  Then come the animals, plants, and minerals.  Being in the center, humans hold a privileged position.  As living beings, people are able to increase their being (using this term in the same context as in existentialism).  The source of spirit, and the spiritness within each person, is divine, and transcends both the physical universe and time.  Thus, it can connect us to any person, place, or thing.  This is part of the basis for African veneration of their ancestors.  In order for the ancestors to avoid becoming “completely dead,” they must devote themselves to strengthening the lives of the living.  As a result, they can still participate in life.  When a person recognizes that through spirit all things become one, and if they adhere to this realization, they lose all sense of individual ego/mind.  Instead, they experience the harmony of collective identity and a sense of extended self that includes ancestors, those not yet born, all nature, and their entire community (Busia, 1972; Grills, 2002; Grills & Ajei, 2002; Jahn, 1972; Myers, 1988; Obasi, 2002; Parham, 2002; Parham et al., 1999; Senghor, 1965).

Based on the previous paragraph, it should be clear that religion and spirituality are very important to Africans.  We share a biological connection with animals, and an inherent spiritual connection with plants and minerals, but our privileged position at the junction of spirit and nature allows us to participate in a spiritual life that separates us from the animals, plants, and minerals.  This is how Africans believe they are able to increase their being.  According to Khoapa (1980), we link the universe with God, we awaken it, we speak to it, listen to it, and try to create harmony.  This leads to a profound connection with the rhythm of the universe.  Senghor (1965) describes rhythm as the “architecture of being…the pure expression of the life-force.”  Rhythm has become an important aspect of African life, particularly in art, music, and poetry (also see Busia, 1972; Chatterji, 1960; Jahn, 1972; Mwikamba, 2005; Senghor, 1971; Sofola, 1973).

African music, like sculpture, is rooted in the nourishing earth, it is laden with rhythm, sounds and noises of the earth.  This does not mean that it is descriptive or impressionist.  It expresses feelings. (pg. 86; Senghor, 1965)

As noted above, the transcendent aspect of spirit leads to connections between past, present, and things that have not yet happened.  This has led to a distinct relationship to time, one that differs dramatically from the Western world.  Africans believe there is a rhythmic, cyclical pattern to life set in place by God, and God knows what is right.  This includes the seasons, the rising and setting of the sun, and stages of life (birth, adolescence, adulthood, old age, and death).  Events in the past are typically referred to in terms of reference points, such as a marriage or a birth.  As for the future, in most African languages there is no word for the distant future, and plans for the near future are once again typically made around events rather than a specific time on a clock.  Accordingly, time is something to be shared with others, there isn’t really any such thing as wasting time.  Tribal elders are respected for the wisdom they have accumulated over a lifetime, and the “living” dead are kept alive by the tribe’s oral historian (Jahn, 1972; Parham et al., 1999; Sofola, 1973; Tembo, 1980).

Discussion Question:  The African worldview focuses on the universe and all the people within it as an interconnected whole, and seeks harmony and rhythm.  Do you see life in a holistic way, do you try to relate to others as if we are all part of one creation?  Do you think the world would be a better place if everyone tried to relate to others in this way?

Family and Community

For Africans, the basic unit is the tribe, not the individual.  Since the tribe seeks collective survival, cooperation is valued over competition and individualism.  Since close, personal interconnections are so fundamental, aggression toward others is considered an act of aggression against oneself, and the concept of alienation doesn’t exist.  This concern for the community is reflected in the family structure.  For Africans, family includes parents, children, brothers, sisters, cousins, aunts, uncles, etc.  All relatives have the responsibility to care for one another, and when parents become old it is the responsibility of their children to care for them (Khoapa, 1980; Kithinji, 2005; Lambo, 1972; Parham et al., 1999).

According to Khoapa (1980), Westerners are surprised when they observe Africans in normal conversation.  There is a great deal of spontaneity, laughter, and the conversation goes on and on.  They do not wait to be introduced before engaging in conversation.  No reason is necessary for someone to drop by and engage in a conversation.  Every gathering is an extension of the family, so there is no reason for inhibiting one’s behavior.  Simply being together is reason enough to engage others.  Khoapa suggests that the “deafening silence” observed when traveling in the Western world is very strange and confusing to Africans.

The cultural institution of marriage provides an interesting example of these principles in action.  Marriage is a unifying link in the rhythm of life:  past, present, and future generations are all represented.  Having children is an obligation, and marriage provides the accepted opportunity to fulfill that obligation.  Indeed, since the purpose of marriage is to have children, a marriage is not considered complete until children have been born (Khoapa, 1980; Kithinji, 2005; Lambo, 1972; Parham et al., 1999; Wanjohi, 2005).  Marriages can also be a profound source of connection between people that goes far beyond the basic family unit (two parents and their children).  The spirit that underlies and provides energy for the fulfillment of being experienced in a family unites that family with other families around the world.  In a more practical sense, when a man and a woman from different tribes are married, the members of each tribe see themselves as all becoming one extended family through that marriage (Parham, et al., 1999; Samkange & Samkange, 1980).

The belief that we are all interconnected extends beyond one’s family and tribe to all people.  Hospitality is an important characteristic that Africans expect will be extended to all visitors, including strangers.  Different than in the West, however, is the expectation that hospitality will precede asking any questions.  Thus, when a visitor is met at the door, they will be invited in, offered something to eat and/or drink, and friendly conversation may ensue, all before asking anything about the visit or even who the person is (if they aren’t known).  Being benevolent to everyone is seen as a sign of good character or good reputation.  African myth and folklore often includes stories about gods or spirits who travel in disguise, rewarding people in kind for how the god or spirit is treated.  Selfishness does not promote the well being of the tribe, so a selfish person is likely to be held in contempt and stigmatized.  The responsibility for becoming caring people begins with the family (Kithinji, 2005; Lambo, 1972; Sofola, 1973).

Every Yoruba, the stranger inclusive, is expected to demonstrate that he was well brought up by his parents whose emblem he carries about by the virtue of his existence and former socialisation.  A good home to the Yoruba African is a place where good training and nurturing in character and good behaviour including good mode of addressing people are imparted to the young…The good child is supposed not only to accept and show good character in the home but should show the glory of the home outside through his own good behaviour… (pp. 97-98; Sofola, 1973)

Discussion Question:  In African culture, marriage and family are very important.  How important are they to you?  How has your personal history affected your feelings about marriage and family?

Ubuntu

The traditional African concept of ubuntu is one that encompasses the best that the people of Africa have to offer in terms of social harmony.  It has come into play several times during difficult periods of nation building as African countries have gained independence and moved toward democracy.  Archbishop Desmond Tutu, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984, served as Chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission as the nation of South Africa transitioned from Apartheid to democracy.  Rather than seeking revenge and the punishment of those who had supported Apartheid, or attempting to achieve some sort of national amnesia through blanket amnesty, the South Africans chose a third alternative.  Amnesty would be granted only to those who admitted what had been done in the past.  While some were concerned that such an option would allow crimes to go unpunished, the deep spirit of humanity that is ubuntu can lead to being magnanimous and forgiving.

Ubuntu…speaks of the very essence of being human.   When we want to give high praise to someone we say, “Yu, u nobuntu”; “Hey, so-and-so has ubuntu.”  Then you are generous, you are hospitable, you are friendly and caring and compassionate.  You share what you have.  It is to say, “My humanity is caught up, is inextricably bound up, in yours.”  We belong in a bundle of life. (pg. 31, Tutu, 1999)

Samkange and Samkange (1980) discuss how extensively ubuntu (aka, hunhu, depending on the language) is intertwined with life amongst the people of Zimbabwe.  It leads to a sense of deep personal relationship with all members of different tribes related by the marriage of two individuals.  It has influenced the development of nations as they achieved freedom from colonial governments, and it encourages amicable foreign policies.  Ubuntu can help to guide judicial proceedings, division of resources, aid to victims of war and disaster, and the need to support free education for all people.  The special characteristic that ubuntu imparts on African people can also be seen among the African diaspora, those Africans who have been displaced from their homeland.  For example, Black Americans typically have something unique that distinguishes them from White Americans, something called “soul.”  According to Samkange and Samkange (1980) “soul is long suffering (“Oh Lord, have mercy”); soul is deep emotion (“Help me, Jesus”) and soul is a feeling of oneness with other black people.”  As a result of the Black American’s experience with slavery, we now have soul food, soul music, and soul brothers.

Discussion Question:  It has been suggested that the essence of personality among African people has given something special to members of the African diaspora known as “soul.”  However, this may be a characteristic of all dispossessed people.  Have you seen examples of this sort of “soul?”  If yes, what was the experience like, and how did it affect your own views of life?

Although ubuntu is uniquely African, the peace and harmony associated with it can be experienced by all people.  According to Archbishop Tutu it is the same spirit that leads to worldwide feelings of compassion and the outpouring of generosity following a terrible natural disaster, or to the founding of an institution like the United Nations, and the signing of international charters on the rights of children and woman, or trying to ban torture, racism, or the use of antipersonnel land mines (Tutu, 1999).  Though ubuntu itself may belong to Africa, the essence of it is something shared by all dispossessed groups around the world (Mbigi & Maree, 1995).  It embodies a group solidarity that is central to the survival of all poor communities, whether they are inner city ghettos in the West, or poor rural communities in developing countries.  According to Mbigi and Maree (1995), the key values of ubuntu are group solidarity, conformity, compassion, respect, human dignity, and collective unity.  They believe that African organizations need to harness these ubuntu values as a dynamic transformative force for the development of African nations and the African people.  Samkange and Samkange share that view:

…ubuntuism permeates and radiates through all facets of our lives, such as religion, politics, economics, etc…Some aspects of hunhuism or ubuntuism are applicable to the present and future as they were in the past…It is the duty of African scholars to discern and delineate hunhuism or ubuntuism so that it can, when applied, provide African solutions to African problems. (pg. 103; Samkange & Samkange, 1980)

Negritude and Nigrescence

Leopold Senghor (1965) has defined Negritude as “the awareness, defence and development of African cultural values…the sum total of the values of the civilization of the African world.”  For Senghor this is not a racial phenomenon, but a cultural one, based primarily on cooperation.  He distinguished this cooperation from the collectivist idea we typically associate with Asian cultures by focusing more on a communal perspective.  In other words, collectivist cultures may be seen as an aggregate of individuals, but in the truly communal society, whether in the family, the village, or the tribe, there is a connection from the center of each person in their heart (see also Grills, 2002; Senghor, 1971).  This is what Senghor believes has always been held in honor in Africa, and it ultimately encourages dialogue with others in Africa (the White Africans, the Arab-Berbers in North Africa) and beyond, so that we can assure peace and build the “Civilization of the Universal.”

Negritude, then, is a part of Africanity.  It is made of human warmth.  It is democracy quickened by the sense of communion and brotherhood between men.  More deeply, in works of art, which are a people’s most authentic expression of itself, it is sense of image and rhythm, sense of symbol and beauty. (pg. 97; Senghor, 1965)

Abiola Irele has discussed the history of Negritude as a literary and ideological movement among Black, French-speaking intellectuals in Africa.  It was initially a reaction to, and in opposition to, the colonial oppression of the African people.  As such, it has been criticized by some as its own form of racism (see, e.g., Irele, 1981, 2001; Tembo, 1980), or as something unique to intellectuals, as opposed to more common people in Africa.  However, as noted above, Negritude is about culture, not race per se.  In addition, a small but nonetheless interesting study by Tembo (1980) provided evidence that scores on an African Personality Scale did not differ based on sex, marital status, having been educated in rural or urban schools, or whether they wished to pursue higher education in Africa or England.  Irele compared Senghor’s view of Negritude to that of the existential philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre.  Sartre viewed Negritude as a stage in the development of Black consciousness, a stage that would be transcended by the ultimate realization of a human society without racism.  In contrast, according to Irele, Senghor’s Negritude is an inner state of Black people.  It is a distinctive mode of being, which can be seen in their way of life, and which constitutes their very identity (Irele, 1981).  Irele finds value in the concept of Negritude “insofar as it reflects a profound engagement of African minds upon the fundamental question of the African being in history…”

At a time when Africans are trying to experiment with new ideas and institutions, adapt them to their needs in the light of their traditional value systems, there is the need for a sustained belief in oneself, and this belief can be generated and kept alive by an ideology.  This has been, and still is, the function of Negritude. (pg. 86; Ghanaian scholar P. A. V. Ansah, cited in Irele, 1981)

Although the concept of Negritude is not without its critics, if one accepts its premise there are important implications for people of the Black diaspora (Irele, 2001).  Nigrescence has been described as the process of converting from Negro to Black, i.e., rejecting the deracination imposed by Whites and embracing traditional African values and a Black identity (Parham, 2002; Parham et al., 1999; Tembo, 1980).  This process of searching for one’s identity can be very powerful, leading perhaps to a positive self-identity or, at least, serving as a buffer against racism and oppression (Parham & Parham, 2002).  For additional information on the importance of identify formation and the development of negative identity, I refer you back to the discussion of negative personality development among Black Americans in the chapter on Erik Erikson.  But what triggers this critical search for one’s identity?

For people of African descent in places such as the United States, the process of nigrescence seems to follow four stages:  pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion, and internalization (Parham, 2002; Parham et al., 1999).  In the pre-encounter stage, the indivdiual views the world from a White frame of reference.  They think, act, and behave in ways that devalue and/or deny their Black heritage.  Then, however, they encounter personal and/or social events that do not fit with their view of society.  Muhammad Ali (formerly Cassius Clay) described in vivid and shocking detail how he was refused service at a restaurant because he was Black, after he had won the Olympic gold medal in boxing and been given the key to the city by the mayor of Louisville, Kentucky (Ali & Ali, 2004)!  The individual then becomes immersed in Black culture.  This can be a psychologically tumultuous time.  For some, everything of value must reflect some aspect of Black and/or African heritage.  They withdraw from contact with other racial/ethnic groups, and strong anti-White attitudes and feelings can emerge.  Eventually, however, the individual internalizes their Black identity and becomes more secure.  The tension, emotionality, and defensiveness of the previous stage is replaced with a calm and secure demeanor.  The individual becomes more open minded, more ideologically flexible, and although Black values move to and remain at the forefront, there is a general trend toward being more pluralistic and nonracist, and anti-White attitudes and feelings decline (Parham et al., 1999; see also Mbalia, 1995).

Some Issues for Modern Africa

In a fascinating book entitled Education for Self-Reliance, Julius Nyerere (1967) discussed the importance of building the post-colonial educational system in Tanzania.  A fundamental premise, according to Nyerere, is that the educational system needed to serve the goals of Tanzania (see also Gichuru, 2005; Khoapa, 1980).  Therefore, they had to decide what kind of society they were building.  He said their society was based on three principles:  equality and respect for human dignity, sharing of resources, and work by everyone and exploitation by none.  Interestingly, these principles do not focus on academic content.  The successful community life of the village was more important.  Social goals, the common good, and cooperation were all emphasized over individual achievement.  Nyerere considered it particularly important to avoid intellectual arrogance, so that those who became well educated would not despise those whose skills were non-academic.  “Such arrogance has no place in a society of equal citizens” (pg. 8; Nyerere, 1967).

The aim of education in Tanzania became one in which students were to realize they were being educated by the community in order to become intelligent and active members of the community.  Since education is provided at the expense of the community, the community is well within its rights to expect those students to become leaders and innovators, to make significantly greater contributions to the community than if they had not received an education (Bennaars, 2005; Sanyal & Kinunda, 1977).  To this end, the training of teachers places ideology ahead of content.  Student-teachers are taught:  1) the true of meaning of the Tanzanian concept of ujamaa (familyhood and socialism; a basis for planned, self-contained villages), 2) to be dedicated and capable teachers who understand and care for the children in their charge, and 3) to deepen the students’ general education.  Since colonial rulers exploited, humiliated, and ignored the people of Africa for so long, it was believed that teachers should be of sound mind and sound body.  Thus, admission into a teacher training program requires a good academic background, sound character, physical fitness, and a good all-around background (Mmari, 1979).  Thus, teachers were trained to be good role models for the development of Tanzania and her people (see also Bennaars, 2005; Mbalia, 1995).

Discussion Question:  In post-colonial Africa, some countries trained their teachers to educate children in being good citizens, and to be role models for how children should live their lives.  Do you agree that teachers should play such an intentional role in helping to raise children?  If not, does it seem that this was necessary for a time, given the history of colonization in Africa?

Although most of the work covered in this section has been done by writers, anthropologists, and sociologists, is there a role for more formalized personality testing in Africa?  While this may not be the ideal approach for studying personality in African, it would allow us to compare this work with our Western concepts of personality (which constitutes the large majority of this book). There is preliminary evidence that the Five-Factor Model applies well when measuring the personality traits of Africans in Zimbabwe and South Africa (McCrae, 2002; Piedmont et al., 2002).  Tembo (1980) developed an African Personality Scale on which Zambian college freshman did indeed demonstrate pro-African personality views (as opposed to anti-African personality views that would have indicated negative effects as the result of colonization; see, however, Mwikamba, 2005).  Thomas Parham (2002) has used two personality tests designed to focus more specifically on the concept of an African personality:  the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS; which Parham helped develop) and the African Self-Consciousness Scale.  The RIAS measures the nigrescence construct, whereas the African Self-Consciousness Scale is grounded in Afrocentric theory (closer to the concept of Negritude).  However, Parham has come to the conclusion that both of these tests fall short of measuring the core elements of what might be a common African personality, particularly spiritness and the potential biogenetic nature of African people (Parham, 2002).  Thus, if this is an appropriate field of study, there certainly needs to be further investigation to determine whether Western concepts of personality assessment apply to the essence of African personality.

A Final Thought

One of the most widely recognized cultural distinctions in psychology today is the difference between individualistic, Western cultures and collectivistic, Eastern cultures.  In Western societies, such as the United States of America, the individual not only has the freedom to seek purely personal advancement, it is expected of them.  In contrast, the individual in countries such as China is expected to subordinate their own desires and ambitions for the good of the family and their community.  With regard to a broad view of the African personality, we find a middle ground.  There is significant individual freedom, but individuals are expected to serve their family and community.  As a result, the individual also benefits from the overall success of the family and community.  Thus, there is an ongoing interplay between the value of the individual and the values of family and community.

When this system works to its best potential, the results are people who flourish and can be proud of themselves.  In the words of Dr. J. A. Sofola:

…the philosophy, the world-view, values and thought-patterns that form the ingredients or the building-blocks of the African Personality are live-and-let-live; the emphasis on wholesome human relations; the belief of the universality of man and communality of the people in the community; the historic sense of the unity of the human society as consisting of the ancestors, the living and the future generations yet unborn; spiritual attitude to life and attachment to communal life with communal responsibilities; a keen sense of rhythm; the conception of man as one roaming spirit in the chain of spirits in the universe…This is the personality which in its expression of an inward peace and stillness maintains an external composure and gait, head and chin raised high, and with deliberate, calculated dignified steps proclaims to the world: “Black is beautiful” and “I am black and proud of being so.” (pp. 143-144; Sofola, 1973)

Personality Theory

Created July 7, 2017 by userMark Kelland

In the first chapter we briefly examined the concern of many psychologists that the field of psychology has been slow to embrace the value of cross-cultural research (see Lee et al., 1999; Sue, 1999; Triandis & Suh, 2002).  This concern is by no means new.  In 1936, Ralph Linton wrote that “different societies seem to show differences in the relative frequency of occurrence of the various psychological types” (pg. 484), and in 1973, Robert LeVine suggested that “this is a moment at which even those who are skeptical about the value of culture and personality study might consider stretching their curiosity in this direction” (pg. ix).  Throughout this textbook we will examine a number of theorists who emphasized studying cultural differences as a significant part of their careers and, often, their personality theories as well.

However, it remains true that cross-cultural studies in psychology have only recently moved closer to the mainstream of psychological research and clinical practice.  As of 2002, the American Psychological Association has “Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for Psychologists” (www.apa.org/pi/multiculturalguidelines/homepage.html).  To cite just a few examples of the range of current interest in cross-cultural psychology, we now have a Dictionary of Multicultural Psychology (Hall, 2005) and books on the relationships between culture, mental illness, and counseling (Axelson, 1999; Castillo, 1997), as well as on the relationships between race, class, and the social and personal development of women (Jordan, 1997b; Pack-Brown, Whittington-Clark, & Parker, 1998).  There are also major new texts on African American psychology (Belgrave & Allison, 2006) and racism, prejudice, and discrimination in America (Miller & Garran, 2008; Whitley & Kite, 2006).

The fact that studying cross-cultural factors in personality has always been present in the careers and theories of certain individuals, while not becoming a mainstream focus of attention, is more than just an historical curiosity.  By emphasizing biological factors (i.e., genetics), Freud’s theory did not allow for cultural differences.  Behavioral theorists emphasized environmental factors, a seemingly cultural approach, but they did not allow themselves to address factors beyond immediate scientific control.  Thus, they defined with great precision the role of reinforcement, punishment, discriminative stimuli, etc., while not allowing for the richness of cognition and cultural experiences.  Likewise, cognitive theorists clung to the scientific approach of the behaviorists, rather than embracing the potential of sociocultural perspectives.  In other words, because strict Freudian theorists, as well as behavioral and cognitive theorists, believed that their theories applied to all people equally, they typically chose not to address differences between people.  Thus, those who wished to bring sociocultural perspectives on the development of personality into the field of personality theory faced a degree of direct opposition.  And yet, their perseverance is now being fulfilled.

In this chapter, we will briefly examine some of the issues facing personality psychologists who wish to examine personality development in a sociocultural context.  The United States, Canada, and Western Europe represent only about one tenth of the world’s population.  Ralph Linton, a renowned anthropologist with an interest in cultural influences on personality (see Linton, 1945), also edited a book entitled Most of the World: The Peoples of Africa, Latin America, and the East Today (Linton, 1949).  Thus, it is essential that we consider the influence of different cultures around the world if we are going to claim that we have really examined human personality in all its variations.