Brief Biography of Carl Rogers

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ASSIGNMENT

Contrast the Humanistic and Existential perspectives as they pertain to the concept of personality. Which philosophical assumptions were most important to Rogers? Using the Existential framework, how do times of change and crisis lead us to reconsider our values?

a post with a minimum of 300 words

READING

Personality Theory

Created July 7, 2017 by userMark Kelland

In contrast to both the often dark, subconscious emphasis of the psychodynamic theorists and the somewhat cold, calculated perspectives of behavioral/cognitive theorists, the humanistic psychologists focus on each individual’s potential for personal growth and self-actualization.  Carl Rogers was influenced by strong religious experiences (both in America and in China) and his early clinical career in a children’s hospital.  Consequently, he developed his therapeutic techniques and the accompanying theory in accordance with a positive and hopeful perspective.  Rogers also focused on the unique characteristics and viewpoint of individuals.

Abraham Maslow is best known for his extensive studies on the most salient feature of the humanistic perspective:  self-actualization.  He is also the one who referred to humanistic psychology as the third force, after the psychodynamic and behavioral/cognitive perspectives, and he specifically addressed the need for psychology to move beyond its study of unhealthy individuals.  He was also interested in the psychology of the work place, and his recognition in the business field has perhaps made him the most famous psychologist.

Henry Murray was an enigmatic figure, who seemingly failed to properly acknowledge the woman who inspired much of his work, and who believed his life had been something of a failure.  Perhaps he felt remorse as a result of maintaining an extramarital affair with the aforementioned woman, thanks in large part to the advice and help of Carl Jung!  Murray extended a primarily psychodynamic perspective to the study of human needs in normal individuals.  His Thematic Apperception Test was one of the first psychological tests applied outside of a therapeutic setting, and it provided the basis for studying the need for achievement (something akin to a learned form of self-actualization).

Carl Rogers and Humanistic Psychology

Carl Rogers is the psychologist many people associate first with humanistic psychology, but he did not establish the field in the way that Freud established psychoanalysis.  A few years older than Abraham Maslow, and having moved into clinical practice more directly, Rogers felt a need to develop a new theoretical perspective that fit with his clinical observations and personal beliefs.  Thus, he was proposing a humanistic approach to psychology and, more specifically, psychotherapy before Maslow.  It was Maslow, however, who used the term humanistic psychology as a direct contrast to behaviorism and psychoanalysis.  And it was Maslow who contacted some friends, in 1954, in order to begin meetings that led to the creation of the American Association for Humanistic Psychology.  Rogers was included in that group, but so were Erich Fromm and Karen Horney, both of whom had distinctly humanistic elements in their own theories, elements that shared a common connection to Alfred Adler’s Individual Psychology (Stagner, 1988).  In addition, the spiritual aspects of humanistic psychology, such as peak experiences and transcendence, have roots in the work of Carl Jung and William James, and go even further back in time to ancient philosophies of Yoga and Buddhism.

In at least one important way, Rogers’ career was similar to that of Sigmund Freud.  As he began his clinical career, he found that the techniques he had been taught were not very effective.  So, he began experimenting with his own ideas, and developing his own therapeutic approach.  As that approach developed, so did a unique theory of personality that aimed at explaining the effectiveness of the therapy.  Rogers found it difficult to explain what he had learned, but he felt quite passionately about it:

…the real meaning of a word can never be expressed in words, because the real meaning would be the thing itself.  If one wishes to give such a real meaning he should put his hand over his mouth and point.  This is what I should most like to do.  I would willingly throw away all the words of this manuscript if I could, somehow, effectively point to the experience which is therapy.  It is a process, a thing-in-itself, an experience, a relationship, a dynamic… (pp. ix; Rogers, 1951)

Brief Biography of Carl Rogers

Carl Ransom Rogers was born on January 8, 1902, in Chicago, Illinois.  His parents were well-educated, and his father was a successful civil engineer.  His parents loved their six children, of whom Rogers was the fourth, but they exerted a distinct control over them.  They were fundamentalist Christians, who emphasized a close-knit family and constant, productive work, but approved of little else.  The Rogers household expected standards of behavior appropriate for the ‘elect’ of God:  there was no drinking of alcohol, no dancing, no visits to the theater, no card games, and little social life at all (DeCarvalho, 1991; Thorne, 2003).

Rogers was not the healthiest of children, and his family considered him to be overly sensitive.  The more his family teased him, the more he retreated into a lonely world of fantasy.  He sought consolation by reading books, and he was well above his grade level for reading when he began school.  In 1914 the family moved to a large farm west of Chicago, a move motivated primarily by a desire to keep the children away from the temptations of suburban city life.  The result was even more isolation for Rogers, who lamented that he’d only had two dates by the end of high school.  He continued to learn, however, becoming something of an expert on the large moths that lived in the area.  In addition, his father encouraged the children to develop their own ventures, and Rogers and his brothers raised a variety of livestock.  Given these interests, and in keeping with family tradition, Rogers enrolled in the University of Wisconsin-Madison to study scientific agriculture (DeCarvalho, 1991; Thorne, 2003).

During his first year of college, Rogers attended a Sunday morning group of students led by Professor George Humphrey.  Professor Humphrey was a facilitative leader, who refused to be conventional and who encouraged the students to make their own decisions.  Rogers found the intellectual freedom very stimulating, and he also began to make close friends.  This increased intellectual and emotional energy led Rogers to re-examine his commitment to Christianity.  Given his strong religious faith, he decided to change his major to history, in anticipation of a career as a Christian minister.  He was fortunate to be chosen as one of only twelve students from America to attend a World Student Christian Federation conference in Peking, China.  He traveled throughout China (also visiting Korea, Hong Kong, Japan, the Philippines, and Hawaii) for 6 months, surrounded by other intelligent and creative young people.  He kept a detailed journal, and wrote lengthy letters to his family and Helen Elliott, a childhood friend whom he considered to be his “sweetheart.”  His mind was stretched in all directions by this profound cross-cultural experience, and the intellectual and spiritual freedom he was embracing blinded him to the fact that his fundamentalist family was deeply disturbed by what he had to say.  However, by the time Rogers was aware of his family’s disapproval, he had been changed, and he believed that people of very different cultures and faiths can all be sincere and honest (Kirschenbaum, 1995; Thorne, 2003).  As a curious side note, Rogers’ roommate on the trip was a Black seminary professor.  Rogers was vaguely aware that it was strange at that time for a Black man and a White man to room together, but he was particularly surprised at the stares they received from the Chinese people they met, who had never seen a Black person before (Rogers & Russell, 2002).  After his return from China, Rogers graduated from college, and 2 months later he married Helen.  Again his family disapproved, believing that the young couple should be more established first.  But Rogers had been accepted to the Union Theological Seminary in New York City, and both he and Helen wanted to be together.  His family may have wanted them to wait because Union Theological Seminary was, perhaps, the most liberal seminary in America at the time (DeCarvalho, 1991; Rogers & Russell, 2002; Thorne, 2003).

Rogers spent 2 years at the seminary, including a summer assignment as the pastor of a small church in Vermont.  However, his desire not to impose his own beliefs on others, made it difficult for him to preach.  He began taking courses at nearby Teachers’ College of Columbia University, where he learned about clinical and educational psychology, as well as working with disturbed children.  He then transferred to Teachers’ College, and after writing a dissertation in which he developed a test for measuring personality adjustment in children, he earned his Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology.  Then, in 1928, he began working at the Rochester Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (DeCarvalho, 1991; Thorne, 2003).

Rogers was immersed in his work in Rochester for 12 years.  He found that even the most elaborate theories made little sense when dealing with children who had suffered severe psychological damage after traveling through the courts and the social work systems.  So Rogers developed his own approach, and did his best to help them.  Many of his colleagues, including the director, had no particular therapeutic orientation:

When I would try to see what I could do to alter their behavior, sometimes they would refuse to see me the next time.  I’d have a hard time getting them to come from the detention home to my office, and that would cause me to think, “What is it that I did that offended the child?”  Well, usually it was overinterpretation, or getting too smart in analyzing the causes of behavior…So we approached every situation with much more of a question of “What can we do to help?” rather than “What is the mysterious cause of this behavior?” or “What theory does the child fit into?”  It was a very good place for learning in that it was easy to be open to experience, and there was certainly no pressure to fit into any particular pattern of thought. (pg. 108; Rogers & Russell, 2002)

Eventually Rogers wrote a book outlining his work with children, The Clinical Treatment of the Problem Child (Rogers, 1939), which received excellent reviews.  He was offered a professorship at Ohio State University.  Beginning as a full professor gave Rogers a great deal of freedom, and he was frequently invited to give talks.  It has been suggested that one such talk, in December 1940, at the University of Minnesota, entitled “Newer Concepts in Psychotherapy,” was the official birthday of client-centered therapy.  Very popular with his students, Rogers was not so welcome amongst his colleagues.  Rogers believed that his work was particularly threatening to those colleagues who believed that only their own expertise could make psychotherapy effective.  After only 4 years, during which he published Counseling and Psychotherapy (Rogers, 1942), Rogers moved on to the University of Chicago, where he established the counseling center, wrote Client-Centered Therapy (Rogers, 1951) and contributed several chapters to Psychotherapy and Personality Change (Rogers & Dymond, 1954), and in 1956 received a Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award from the American Psychological Association.  Then, in 1957, he accepted a joint appointment in psychiatry and psychology at the University of Wisconsin to study psychotic individuals.  Rogers had serious doubts about leaving Chicago, but felt that the joint appointment would allow him to make a dramatic contribution to psychotherapy.  It was a serious mistake.  He did not get along with his colleagues in the psychology department, whom he considered to be antagonistic, outdated, “rat-oriented,” and distrustful of clinical psychology, and so he resigned.  He kept his appointment in the psychiatry department, however, and in 1961 published perhaps his most influential book, On Becoming a Person (Rogers, 1961).

In 1963, Rogers moved to California to join the Western Behavioral Sciences Institute, at the invitation of one of his former students, Richard Farson.  This was a non-profit institute dedicated to the study of humanistically-oriented interpersonal relations.  Rogers was leery of making another major move, but eventually agreed.  He became very active in research on encounter groups and educational theory.  Five years later, when Farson left the institute, there was a change in its direction.  Rogers was unhappy with the changes, so he joined some colleagues in leaving and establishing the Center for Studies of the Person, where he remained until his death.  In his later years, Rogers wrote books on topics such as personal power and marriage (Rogers, 1972, 1977).  In 1980, he published A Way of Being (Rogers, 1980), in which he changed the terminology of his perspective from “client-centered” to “person-centered.”  With the assistance of his daughter Natalie, who had studied with Abraham Maslow, he held many group workshops on life, family, business, education, and world peace.  He traveled to regions where tension and danger were high, including Poland, Russia, South Africa, and Northern Ireland.  In 1985 he brought together influential leaders of seventeen Central American countries for a peace conference in Austria.  The day he died, February 4, 1987, without knowing it, he had just been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize (DeCarvalho, 1991; Kirschenbaum, 1995; Thorne, 2003).

Placing Rogers in Context:  A Psychology 2,600 Years in the Making

Carl Rogers was an extraordinary individual whose approach to psychology emphasized individuality.  Raised with a strong Christian faith, exposed to Eastern culture and spirituality in college, and then employed as a therapist for children, he came to value and respect each person he met.  Because of that respect for the ability of each person to grow, and the belief that we are innately driven toward actualization, Rogers began the distinctly humanistic approach to psychotherapy that became known as client-centered therapy.

Taken together, client-centered therapy and self-actualization offer a far more positive approach to fostering the growth of each person than most other disciplines in psychology.  Unlike the existing approaches of psychoanalysis, which aimed to uncover problems from the past, or behavior therapies, which aimed to identify problem behaviors and control or “fix” them, client-centered therapy grew out of Rogers’ simple desire to help his clients move forward in their lives.  Indeed, he had been trained as a psychoanalyst, but Rogers found the techniques unsatisfying, both in their goals and their ability to help the children he was working with at the time.  The seemingly hands-off approach of client-centered therapy fit well with a Taoist perspective, something Rogers had studied, discussed, and debated during his trip to China.  In A Way of Being, Rogers (1980) quotes what he says is perhaps his favorite saying, one which sums up many of his deeper beliefs:

If I keep from meddling with people, they take care of themselves,
If I keep from commanding people, they behave themselves,
If I keep from preaching at people, they improve themselves,
If I keep from imposing on people, they become themselves.
Lao Tsu, c600 B.C.; Note: This translation differs somewhat from the one
cited in the References.  I have included the translation Rogers quoted,
since the difference likely influenced his impression of this saying.

Rogers, like Maslow, wanted to see psychology contribute far more to society than merely helping individuals with psychological distress.  He extended his sincere desire to help people learn to really communicate, with empathic understanding, to efforts aimed at bringing peace to the world.  On the day he died, he had just been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.  Since a Nobel Prize cannot be awarded to someone who has died, he was not eligible to be nominated again.  If he had lived a few more years, he may well have received that award.  His later years were certainly committed to peace in a way that deserved such recognition.

Basic Concepts

Rogers believed that each of us lives in a constantly changing private world, which he called the experiential field.  Everyone exists at the center of their own experiential field, and that field can only be fully understood from the perspective of the individual.  This concept has a number of important implications.  The individual’s behavior must be understood as a reaction to their experience and perception of the field.  They react to it as an organized whole, and it is their reality.  The problem this presents for the therapist is that only the individual can really understand their experiential field.  This is quite different than the Freudian perspective, in which only the trained and objective psychoanalyst can break through the defense mechanisms and understand the basis of the patient’s unconscious impulses.  One’s perception of the experiential field is limited, however.  Rogers believed that certain impulses, or sensations, can only enter into the conscious field of experience under certain circumstances.  Thus, the experiential field is not a true reality, but rather an individual’s potential reality (Rogers, 1951).

The one basic tendency and striving of the individual is to actualize, maintain, and enhance the experiencing of the individual or, in other words, an actualizing tendency.  Rogers borrowed the term self-actualization, a term first used by Kurt Goldstein, to describe this basic striving.

The tendency of normal life is toward activity and progress.  For the sick, the only form of self-actualization that remains is the maintenance of the existent state.  That, however, is not the tendency of the normal…Under adequate conditions the normal organism seeks further activity. (pp. 162-163; Goldstein, 1934/1995).

For Rogers, self-actualization was a tendency to move forward, toward greater maturity and independence, or self-responsibility.  This development occurs throughout life, both biologically (the differentiation of a fertilized egg into the many organ systems of the body) and psychologically (self-government, self-regulation, socialization, even to the point of choosing life goals).  A key factor in understanding self-actualization is the experiential field.  A person’s needs are defined, as well as limited, by their own potential for experience.  Part of this experiential field is an individual’s emotions, feelings, and attitudes.  Therefore, who the individual is, their actual self, is critical in determining the nature and course of their self-actualization (Rogers, 1951).  We will examine Maslow’s work on self-actualization in more detail below.

What then, is the self?  In Rogers’ (1951) initial description of his theory of personality, the experiential field is described in four points, the self-actualizing tendency in three points, and the remaining eleven points attempt to define the self.  First and foremost, the self is a differentiated portion of the experiential field.  In other words, the self is that part of our private world that we identify as “me,” “myself,” or “I.”  Beyond that, the self remains somewhat puzzling.  Can the self exist in isolation, outside of relationships that provide some context for the self?  Must the self be synonymous with the physical body?  As Rogers’ pointed out, when our foot “goes to sleep” from a lack of circulation, we view it as an object, not as a part of our self!  Despite these challenging questions, Rogers tried to define and describe the self.

Rogers believed the self is formed in relation to others; it is an organized, fluid, yet consistent conceptual pattern of our experiential interactions with the environment and the values attached to those experiences.  These experiences are symbolized and incorporated into the structure of the self, and our behavior is guided largely by how well new experiences fit within that structure.  We may behave in ways inconsistent with the structure of our self, but when we do we will not “own” that behavior.  When experiences are so inconsistent that we cannot symbolize them, or fit them into the structure of our self, the potential for psychological distress arises.  On the other hand, when our concept of self is mature enough to incorporate all of our perceptions and experiences, and we can assimilate those experiences symbolically into our self, our psychological adjustment will be quite healthy.  Individuals who find it difficult to assimilate new and different experiences, those experiences that threaten the structure of the self, will develop an increasingly rigid self-structure.  Healthy individuals, in contrast, will assimilate new experiences, their self-structure will change and continue to grow, and they will become more capable of understanding and accepting others as individuals (Rogers, 1951).

The ability of individuals to make the choices necessary for actualizing their self-structure and to then fulfill those choices is what Rogers called personal power (Rogers, 1977).  He believed there are many self-actualized individuals revolutionizing the world by trusting their own power, without feeling a need to have “power over” others.  They are also willing to foster the latent actualizing tendency in others.  We can easily see the influence of Alfred Adler here, both in terms of the creative power of the individual and seeking superiority within a healthy context of social interest.  Client-centered therapy was based on making the context of personal power a clear strategy in the therapeutic relationship:

…the client-centered approach is a conscious renunciation and avoidance by the therapist of all control over, or decision-making for, the client.  It is the facilitation of self-ownership by the client and the strategies by which this can be achieved…based on the premise that the human being is basically a trustworthy organism, capable of…making constructive choices as to the next steps in life, and acting on those choices. (pp. 14-15; Rogers, 1977)

Discussion Question:  Rogers claimed that no one can really understand your experiential field.  Would you agree, or do you sometimes find that close friends or family members seem to understand you better than you understand yourself?  Are these relationships congruent?

Personality Development

Although Rogers described personality within the therapist-client relationship, the focus of his therapeutic approach was based on how he believed the person had arrived at a point in their life where they were suffering from psychological distress.  Therefore, the same issues apply to personality development as in therapy.  A very important aspect of personality development, according to Rogers, is the parent-child relationship.  The nature of that relationship, and whether it fosters self-actualization or impedes personal growth, determines the nature of the individual’s personality and, consequently, their self-structure and psychological adjustment.

A child begins life with an actualizing tendency.  As they experience life, and perceive the world around them, they may be supported in all things by those who care for them, or they may only be supported under certain conditions (e.g., if their behavior complies with strict rules).  As the child becomes self-aware, it develops a need for positive regard.  When the parents offer the child unconditional positive regard, the child continues moving forward in concert with its actualizing tendency.  So, when there is no discrepancy between the child’s self-regard and its positive regard (from the parents), the child will grow up psychologically healthy and well-adjusted.  However, if the parents offer only conditional positive regard, if they only support the child according the desires and rules of the parents, the child will develop conditions of worth.  As a result of these conditions of worth, the child will begin to perceive their world selectively; they will avoid those experiences that do not fit with its goal of obtaining positive regard.  The child will begin to live the life of those who set the conditions of worth, rather than living its own life.

How has your personal history affected your feelings about marriage and family?

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Forum Assignment for the Week:7

The Role of Culture in Personality Theory

Choose at least two (2) different theoretical perspectives that have been covered in this course and discuss how the cultural, societal, and historical contexts within which the theories are derived have influenced their major tenants and framework.

READING

Personality Theory

Created July 7, 2017 by userMark Kelland

To suggest that there is such a thing as an African personality may be misleading.  Africa is the second largest continent, with just over 1 billion people spread out among over fifty different countries.  It has been the target of extensive colonization over the centuries, and the struggle for liberation from European countries has surely left an indelible mark on the nature of the people there.  In addition, the Sahara Desert creates a significant natural division of the people in the north from those in the south.  The people of North Africa are primarily Arab-Berber Muslims, with ready access to southern Europe across the Mediterranean Sea.  This region can rightly be viewed as an extension of Western Asia, in terms of culture, spirituality, and race/ethnicity (Chatterji, 1960; Senghor, 1971).  In contrast, the Black Africans live south of the Sahara Desert, and they are the people usually referred to when we think about Africans.  Indeed, for the remainder of this section I will use the term African to refer to Blacks living in Sub-Saharan Africa.  Though many people in Africa identity themselves in terms of their unique ethnicity, history, and geography, this book would be incomplete if no effort was made to address the people of this continent.  Keep in mind, however, that there is a great deal more work to do regarding our understanding of indigenous people around the entire world.

In 1999, James Lassiter wrote a very helpful article covering many of the historical problems that have affected the study of personality in Africa.  Unfortunately, many studies sought to identify the nature of personality among Africans in terms of Western ideals, values, and socioeconomic and technological advancement.  This biased view created a very negative attitude toward the people of Africa, a negative attitude that the people of Africa often adopted themselves.  Thus, the study of personality fell into disrepute, and largely came to a halt.  However, a number of professionals from other disciplines, such as sociology and anthropology, continued to examine whether or not there were characteristics common to the people of Africa, a unique and valuable personality distinct from other regions of the world.  Though some controversy remains, and the definitions of what personality is from an African perspective are quite different than those we might recognize in traditional Western psychology, this work has led to some interesting insights.  Fundamentally, these perspectives are summarized by the following simple proverb:

Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu (a person is a person through other persons)

– Xhosa proverb (cited in Lassiter, 1999 and Tutu, 1999)

The African Worldview and Spirituality

For many authors, a common African personality derives from a common African worldview.  According to Khoapa (1980), an African’s existential reality is one of collective being, they seek to understand the world through their intersection with all aspects of the world and other people.  This worldview is holistic and humanistic, and it focuses on interdependence, collective survival, harmony, an important role for the aged, the oral tradition, continuity of life, and rhythm.  In addition, there is a fundamental belief in a metaphysical connection between all that exists within the universe, through an all-pervasive energy or “spirit” that is the essence of all things (Chatterji, 1960; Grills, 2002; Grills & Ajei, 2002; Khoapa, 1980; Mwikamba, 2005; Myers, 1988; Obasi, 2002; Parham et al., 1999; Senghor, 1965, 1971; Sofola, 1973).

At the center of the African worldview is spirit, or life itself, a vital force that animates the universe and that imparts feeling to all things from God down to the smallest grain of sand.  Although this spirit pervades all things, there is a distinct hierarchy among the things that make up the universe.  At the top of the hierarchy is God, followed by the ancestors (including the founders of the tribes, aka the “god-like ones”) and the living.  Then come the animals, plants, and minerals.  Being in the center, humans hold a privileged position.  As living beings, people are able to increase their being (using this term in the same context as in existentialism).  The source of spirit, and the spiritness within each person, is divine, and transcends both the physical universe and time.  Thus, it can connect us to any person, place, or thing.  This is part of the basis for African veneration of their ancestors.  In order for the ancestors to avoid becoming “completely dead,” they must devote themselves to strengthening the lives of the living.  As a result, they can still participate in life.  When a person recognizes that through spirit all things become one, and if they adhere to this realization, they lose all sense of individual ego/mind.  Instead, they experience the harmony of collective identity and a sense of extended self that includes ancestors, those not yet born, all nature, and their entire community (Busia, 1972; Grills, 2002; Grills & Ajei, 2002; Jahn, 1972; Myers, 1988; Obasi, 2002; Parham, 2002; Parham et al., 1999; Senghor, 1965).

Based on the previous paragraph, it should be clear that religion and spirituality are very important to Africans.  We share a biological connection with animals, and an inherent spiritual connection with plants and minerals, but our privileged position at the junction of spirit and nature allows us to participate in a spiritual life that separates us from the animals, plants, and minerals.  This is how Africans believe they are able to increase their being.  According to Khoapa (1980), we link the universe with God, we awaken it, we speak to it, listen to it, and try to create harmony.  This leads to a profound connection with the rhythm of the universe.  Senghor (1965) describes rhythm as the “architecture of being…the pure expression of the life-force.”  Rhythm has become an important aspect of African life, particularly in art, music, and poetry (also see Busia, 1972; Chatterji, 1960; Jahn, 1972; Mwikamba, 2005; Senghor, 1971; Sofola, 1973).

African music, like sculpture, is rooted in the nourishing earth, it is laden with rhythm, sounds and noises of the earth.  This does not mean that it is descriptive or impressionist.  It expresses feelings. (pg. 86; Senghor, 1965)

As noted above, the transcendent aspect of spirit leads to connections between past, present, and things that have not yet happened.  This has led to a distinct relationship to time, one that differs dramatically from the Western world.  Africans believe there is a rhythmic, cyclical pattern to life set in place by God, and God knows what is right.  This includes the seasons, the rising and setting of the sun, and stages of life (birth, adolescence, adulthood, old age, and death).  Events in the past are typically referred to in terms of reference points, such as a marriage or a birth.  As for the future, in most African languages there is no word for the distant future, and plans for the near future are once again typically made around events rather than a specific time on a clock.  Accordingly, time is something to be shared with others, there isn’t really any such thing as wasting time.  Tribal elders are respected for the wisdom they have accumulated over a lifetime, and the “living” dead are kept alive by the tribe’s oral historian (Jahn, 1972; Parham et al., 1999; Sofola, 1973; Tembo, 1980).

Discussion Question:  The African worldview focuses on the universe and all the people within it as an interconnected whole, and seeks harmony and rhythm.  Do you see life in a holistic way, do you try to relate to others as if we are all part of one creation?  Do you think the world would be a better place if everyone tried to relate to others in this way?

Family and Community

For Africans, the basic unit is the tribe, not the individual.  Since the tribe seeks collective survival, cooperation is valued over competition and individualism.  Since close, personal interconnections are so fundamental, aggression toward others is considered an act of aggression against oneself, and the concept of alienation doesn’t exist.  This concern for the community is reflected in the family structure.  For Africans, family includes parents, children, brothers, sisters, cousins, aunts, uncles, etc.  All relatives have the responsibility to care for one another, and when parents become old it is the responsibility of their children to care for them (Khoapa, 1980; Kithinji, 2005; Lambo, 1972; Parham et al., 1999).

According to Khoapa (1980), Westerners are surprised when they observe Africans in normal conversation.  There is a great deal of spontaneity, laughter, and the conversation goes on and on.  They do not wait to be introduced before engaging in conversation.  No reason is necessary for someone to drop by and engage in a conversation.  Every gathering is an extension of the family, so there is no reason for inhibiting one’s behavior.  Simply being together is reason enough to engage others.  Khoapa suggests that the “deafening silence” observed when traveling in the Western world is very strange and confusing to Africans.

The cultural institution of marriage provides an interesting example of these principles in action.  Marriage is a unifying link in the rhythm of life:  past, present, and future generations are all represented.  Having children is an obligation, and marriage provides the accepted opportunity to fulfill that obligation.  Indeed, since the purpose of marriage is to have children, a marriage is not considered complete until children have been born (Khoapa, 1980; Kithinji, 2005; Lambo, 1972; Parham et al., 1999; Wanjohi, 2005).  Marriages can also be a profound source of connection between people that goes far beyond the basic family unit (two parents and their children).  The spirit that underlies and provides energy for the fulfillment of being experienced in a family unites that family with other families around the world.  In a more practical sense, when a man and a woman from different tribes are married, the members of each tribe see themselves as all becoming one extended family through that marriage (Parham, et al., 1999; Samkange & Samkange, 1980).

The belief that we are all interconnected extends beyond one’s family and tribe to all people.  Hospitality is an important characteristic that Africans expect will be extended to all visitors, including strangers.  Different than in the West, however, is the expectation that hospitality will precede asking any questions.  Thus, when a visitor is met at the door, they will be invited in, offered something to eat and/or drink, and friendly conversation may ensue, all before asking anything about the visit or even who the person is (if they aren’t known).  Being benevolent to everyone is seen as a sign of good character or good reputation.  African myth and folklore often includes stories about gods or spirits who travel in disguise, rewarding people in kind for how the god or spirit is treated.  Selfishness does not promote the well being of the tribe, so a selfish person is likely to be held in contempt and stigmatized.  The responsibility for becoming caring people begins with the family (Kithinji, 2005; Lambo, 1972; Sofola, 1973).

Every Yoruba, the stranger inclusive, is expected to demonstrate that he was well brought up by his parents whose emblem he carries about by the virtue of his existence and former socialisation.  A good home to the Yoruba African is a place where good training and nurturing in character and good behaviour including good mode of addressing people are imparted to the young…The good child is supposed not only to accept and show good character in the home but should show the glory of the home outside through his own good behaviour… (pp. 97-98; Sofola, 1973)

Discussion Question:  In African culture, marriage and family are very important.  How important are they to you?  How has your personal history affected your feelings about marriage and family?

Ubuntu

The traditional African concept of ubuntu is one that encompasses the best that the people of Africa have to offer in terms of social harmony.  It has come into play several times during difficult periods of nation building as African countries have gained independence and moved toward democracy.  Archbishop Desmond Tutu, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984, served as Chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission as the nation of South Africa transitioned from Apartheid to democracy.  Rather than seeking revenge and the punishment of those who had supported Apartheid, or attempting to achieve some sort of national amnesia through blanket amnesty, the South Africans chose a third alternative.  Amnesty would be granted only to those who admitted what had been done in the past.  While some were concerned that such an option would allow crimes to go unpunished, the deep spirit of humanity that is ubuntu can lead to being magnanimous and forgiving.

Ubuntu…speaks of the very essence of being human.   When we want to give high praise to someone we say, “Yu, u nobuntu”; “Hey, so-and-so has ubuntu.”  Then you are generous, you are hospitable, you are friendly and caring and compassionate.  You share what you have.  It is to say, “My humanity is caught up, is inextricably bound up, in yours.”  We belong in a bundle of life. (pg. 31, Tutu, 1999)

Samkange and Samkange (1980) discuss how extensively ubuntu (aka, hunhu, depending on the language) is intertwined with life amongst the people of Zimbabwe.  It leads to a sense of deep personal relationship with all members of different tribes related by the marriage of two individuals.  It has influenced the development of nations as they achieved freedom from colonial governments, and it encourages amicable foreign policies.  Ubuntu can help to guide judicial proceedings, division of resources, aid to victims of war and disaster, and the need to support free education for all people.  The special characteristic that ubuntu imparts on African people can also be seen among the African diaspora, those Africans who have been displaced from their homeland.  For example, Black Americans typically have something unique that distinguishes them from White Americans, something called “soul.”  According to Samkange and Samkange (1980) “soul is long suffering (“Oh Lord, have mercy”); soul is deep emotion (“Help me, Jesus”) and soul is a feeling of oneness with other black people.”  As a result of the Black American’s experience with slavery, we now have soul food, soul music, and soul brothers.

Discussion Question:  It has been suggested that the essence of personality among African people has given something special to members of the African diaspora known as “soul.”  However, this may be a characteristic of all dispossessed people.  Have you seen examples of this sort of “soul?”  If yes, what was the experience like, and how did it affect your own views of life?

Although ubuntu is uniquely African, the peace and harmony associated with it can be experienced by all people.  According to Archbishop Tutu it is the same spirit that leads to worldwide feelings of compassion and the outpouring of generosity following a terrible natural disaster, or to the founding of an institution like the United Nations, and the signing of international charters on the rights of children and woman, or trying to ban torture, racism, or the use of antipersonnel land mines (Tutu, 1999).  Though ubuntu itself may belong to Africa, the essence of it is something shared by all dispossessed groups around the world (Mbigi & Maree, 1995).  It embodies a group solidarity that is central to the survival of all poor communities, whether they are inner city ghettos in the West, or poor rural communities in developing countries.  According to Mbigi and Maree (1995), the key values of ubuntu are group solidarity, conformity, compassion, respect, human dignity, and collective unity.  They believe that African organizations need to harness these ubuntu values as a dynamic transformative force for the development of African nations and the African people.  Samkange and Samkange share that view:

…ubuntuism permeates and radiates through all facets of our lives, such as religion, politics, economics, etc…Some aspects of hunhuism or ubuntuism are applicable to the present and future as they were in the past…It is the duty of African scholars to discern and delineate hunhuism or ubuntuism so that it can, when applied, provide African solutions to African problems. (pg. 103; Samkange & Samkange, 1980)

Negritude and Nigrescence

Leopold Senghor (1965) has defined Negritude as “the awareness, defence and development of African cultural values…the sum total of the values of the civilization of the African world.”  For Senghor this is not a racial phenomenon, but a cultural one, based primarily on cooperation.  He distinguished this cooperation from the collectivist idea we typically associate with Asian cultures by focusing more on a communal perspective.  In other words, collectivist cultures may be seen as an aggregate of individuals, but in the truly communal society, whether in the family, the village, or the tribe, there is a connection from the center of each person in their heart (see also Grills, 2002; Senghor, 1971).  This is what Senghor believes has always been held in honor in Africa, and it ultimately encourages dialogue with others in Africa (the White Africans, the Arab-Berbers in North Africa) and beyond, so that we can assure peace and build the “Civilization of the Universal.”

Negritude, then, is a part of Africanity.  It is made of human warmth.  It is democracy quickened by the sense of communion and brotherhood between men.  More deeply, in works of art, which are a people’s most authentic expression of itself, it is sense of image and rhythm, sense of symbol and beauty. (pg. 97; Senghor, 1965)

Abiola Irele has discussed the history of Negritude as a literary and ideological movement among Black, French-speaking intellectuals in Africa.  It was initially a reaction to, and in opposition to, the colonial oppression of the African people.  As such, it has been criticized by some as its own form of racism (see, e.g., Irele, 1981, 2001; Tembo, 1980), or as something unique to intellectuals, as opposed to more common people in Africa.  However, as noted above, Negritude is about culture, not race per se.  In addition, a small but nonetheless interesting study by Tembo (1980) provided evidence that scores on an African Personality Scale did not differ based on sex, marital status, having been educated in rural or urban schools, or whether they wished to pursue higher education in Africa or England.  Irele compared Senghor’s view of Negritude to that of the existential philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre.  Sartre viewed Negritude as a stage in the development of Black consciousness, a stage that would be transcended by the ultimate realization of a human society without racism.  In contrast, according to Irele, Senghor’s Negritude is an inner state of Black people.  It is a distinctive mode of being, which can be seen in their way of life, and which constitutes their very identity (Irele, 1981).  Irele finds value in the concept of Negritude “insofar as it reflects a profound engagement of African minds upon the fundamental question of the African being in history…”

At a time when Africans are trying to experiment with new ideas and institutions, adapt them to their needs in the light of their traditional value systems, there is the need for a sustained belief in oneself, and this belief can be generated and kept alive by an ideology.  This has been, and still is, the function of Negritude. (pg. 86; Ghanaian scholar P. A. V. Ansah, cited in Irele, 1981)

Although the concept of Negritude is not without its critics, if one accepts its premise there are important implications for people of the Black diaspora (Irele, 2001).  Nigrescence has been described as the process of converting from Negro to Black, i.e., rejecting the deracination imposed by Whites and embracing traditional African values and a Black identity (Parham, 2002; Parham et al., 1999; Tembo, 1980).  This process of searching for one’s identity can be very powerful, leading perhaps to a positive self-identity or, at least, serving as a buffer against racism and oppression (Parham & Parham, 2002).  For additional information on the importance of identify formation and the development of negative identity, I refer you back to the discussion of negative personality development among Black Americans in the chapter on Erik Erikson.  But what triggers this critical search for one’s identity?

For people of African descent in places such as the United States, the process of nigrescence seems to follow four stages:  pre-encounter, encounter, immersion-emersion, and internalization (Parham, 2002; Parham et al., 1999).  In the pre-encounter stage, the indivdiual views the world from a White frame of reference.  They think, act, and behave in ways that devalue and/or deny their Black heritage.  Then, however, they encounter personal and/or social events that do not fit with their view of society.  Muhammad Ali (formerly Cassius Clay) described in vivid and shocking detail how he was refused service at a restaurant because he was Black, after he had won the Olympic gold medal in boxing and been given the key to the city by the mayor of Louisville, Kentucky (Ali & Ali, 2004)!  The individual then becomes immersed in Black culture.  This can be a psychologically tumultuous time.  For some, everything of value must reflect some aspect of Black and/or African heritage.  They withdraw from contact with other racial/ethnic groups, and strong anti-White attitudes and feelings can emerge.  Eventually, however, the individual internalizes their Black identity and becomes more secure.  The tension, emotionality, and defensiveness of the previous stage is replaced with a calm and secure demeanor.  The individual becomes more open minded, more ideologically flexible, and although Black values move to and remain at the forefront, there is a general trend toward being more pluralistic and nonracist, and anti-White attitudes and feelings decline (Parham et al., 1999; see also Mbalia, 1995).

Some Issues for Modern Africa

In a fascinating book entitled Education for Self-Reliance, Julius Nyerere (1967) discussed the importance of building the post-colonial educational system in Tanzania.  A fundamental premise, according to Nyerere, is that the educational system needed to serve the goals of Tanzania (see also Gichuru, 2005; Khoapa, 1980).  Therefore, they had to decide what kind of society they were building.  He said their society was based on three principles:  equality and respect for human dignity, sharing of resources, and work by everyone and exploitation by none.  Interestingly, these principles do not focus on academic content.  The successful community life of the village was more important.  Social goals, the common good, and cooperation were all emphasized over individual achievement.  Nyerere considered it particularly important to avoid intellectual arrogance, so that those who became well educated would not despise those whose skills were non-academic.  “Such arrogance has no place in a society of equal citizens” (pg. 8; Nyerere, 1967).

The aim of education in Tanzania became one in which students were to realize they were being educated by the community in order to become intelligent and active members of the community.  Since education is provided at the expense of the community, the community is well within its rights to expect those students to become leaders and innovators, to make significantly greater contributions to the community than if they had not received an education (Bennaars, 2005; Sanyal & Kinunda, 1977).  To this end, the training of teachers places ideology ahead of content.  Student-teachers are taught:  1) the true of meaning of the Tanzanian concept of ujamaa (familyhood and socialism; a basis for planned, self-contained villages), 2) to be dedicated and capable teachers who understand and care for the children in their charge, and 3) to deepen the students’ general education.  Since colonial rulers exploited, humiliated, and ignored the people of Africa for so long, it was believed that teachers should be of sound mind and sound body.  Thus, admission into a teacher training program requires a good academic background, sound character, physical fitness, and a good all-around background (Mmari, 1979).  Thus, teachers were trained to be good role models for the development of Tanzania and her people (see also Bennaars, 2005; Mbalia, 1995).

Discussion Question:  In post-colonial Africa, some countries trained their teachers to educate children in being good citizens, and to be role models for how children should live their lives.  Do you agree that teachers should play such an intentional role in helping to raise children?  If not, does it seem that this was necessary for a time, given the history of colonization in Africa?

Although most of the work covered in this section has been done by writers, anthropologists, and sociologists, is there a role for more formalized personality testing in Africa?  While this may not be the ideal approach for studying personality in African, it would allow us to compare this work with our Western concepts of personality (which constitutes the large majority of this book). There is preliminary evidence that the Five-Factor Model applies well when measuring the personality traits of Africans in Zimbabwe and South Africa (McCrae, 2002; Piedmont et al., 2002).  Tembo (1980) developed an African Personality Scale on which Zambian college freshman did indeed demonstrate pro-African personality views (as opposed to anti-African personality views that would have indicated negative effects as the result of colonization; see, however, Mwikamba, 2005).  Thomas Parham (2002) has used two personality tests designed to focus more specifically on the concept of an African personality:  the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS; which Parham helped develop) and the African Self-Consciousness Scale.  The RIAS measures the nigrescence construct, whereas the African Self-Consciousness Scale is grounded in Afrocentric theory (closer to the concept of Negritude).  However, Parham has come to the conclusion that both of these tests fall short of measuring the core elements of what might be a common African personality, particularly spiritness and the potential biogenetic nature of African people (Parham, 2002).  Thus, if this is an appropriate field of study, there certainly needs to be further investigation to determine whether Western concepts of personality assessment apply to the essence of African personality.

A Final Thought

One of the most widely recognized cultural distinctions in psychology today is the difference between individualistic, Western cultures and collectivistic, Eastern cultures.  In Western societies, such as the United States of America, the individual not only has the freedom to seek purely personal advancement, it is expected of them.  In contrast, the individual in countries such as China is expected to subordinate their own desires and ambitions for the good of the family and their community.  With regard to a broad view of the African personality, we find a middle ground.  There is significant individual freedom, but individuals are expected to serve their family and community.  As a result, the individual also benefits from the overall success of the family and community.  Thus, there is an ongoing interplay between the value of the individual and the values of family and community.

When this system works to its best potential, the results are people who flourish and can be proud of themselves.  In the words of Dr. J. A. Sofola:

…the philosophy, the world-view, values and thought-patterns that form the ingredients or the building-blocks of the African Personality are live-and-let-live; the emphasis on wholesome human relations; the belief of the universality of man and communality of the people in the community; the historic sense of the unity of the human society as consisting of the ancestors, the living and the future generations yet unborn; spiritual attitude to life and attachment to communal life with communal responsibilities; a keen sense of rhythm; the conception of man as one roaming spirit in the chain of spirits in the universe…This is the personality which in its expression of an inward peace and stillness maintains an external composure and gait, head and chin raised high, and with deliberate, calculated dignified steps proclaims to the world: “Black is beautiful” and “I am black and proud of being so.” (pp. 143-144; Sofola, 1973)

Personality Theory

Created July 7, 2017 by userMark Kelland

In the first chapter we briefly examined the concern of many psychologists that the field of psychology has been slow to embrace the value of cross-cultural research (see Lee et al., 1999; Sue, 1999; Triandis & Suh, 2002).  This concern is by no means new.  In 1936, Ralph Linton wrote that “different societies seem to show differences in the relative frequency of occurrence of the various psychological types” (pg. 484), and in 1973, Robert LeVine suggested that “this is a moment at which even those who are skeptical about the value of culture and personality study might consider stretching their curiosity in this direction” (pg. ix).  Throughout this textbook we will examine a number of theorists who emphasized studying cultural differences as a significant part of their careers and, often, their personality theories as well.

However, it remains true that cross-cultural studies in psychology have only recently moved closer to the mainstream of psychological research and clinical practice.  As of 2002, the American Psychological Association has “Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for Psychologists” (www.apa.org/pi/multiculturalguidelines/homepage.html).  To cite just a few examples of the range of current interest in cross-cultural psychology, we now have a Dictionary of Multicultural Psychology (Hall, 2005) and books on the relationships between culture, mental illness, and counseling (Axelson, 1999; Castillo, 1997), as well as on the relationships between race, class, and the social and personal development of women (Jordan, 1997b; Pack-Brown, Whittington-Clark, & Parker, 1998).  There are also major new texts on African American psychology (Belgrave & Allison, 2006) and racism, prejudice, and discrimination in America (Miller & Garran, 2008; Whitley & Kite, 2006).

The fact that studying cross-cultural factors in personality has always been present in the careers and theories of certain individuals, while not becoming a mainstream focus of attention, is more than just an historical curiosity.  By emphasizing biological factors (i.e., genetics), Freud’s theory did not allow for cultural differences.  Behavioral theorists emphasized environmental factors, a seemingly cultural approach, but they did not allow themselves to address factors beyond immediate scientific control.  Thus, they defined with great precision the role of reinforcement, punishment, discriminative stimuli, etc., while not allowing for the richness of cognition and cultural experiences.  Likewise, cognitive theorists clung to the scientific approach of the behaviorists, rather than embracing the potential of sociocultural perspectives.  In other words, because strict Freudian theorists, as well as behavioral and cognitive theorists, believed that their theories applied to all people equally, they typically chose not to address differences between people.  Thus, those who wished to bring sociocultural perspectives on the development of personality into the field of personality theory faced a degree of direct opposition.  And yet, their perseverance is now being fulfilled.

In this chapter, we will briefly examine some of the issues facing personality psychologists who wish to examine personality development in a sociocultural context.  The United States, Canada, and Western Europe represent only about one tenth of the world’s population.  Ralph Linton, a renowned anthropologist with an interest in cultural influences on personality (see Linton, 1945), also edited a book entitled Most of the World: The Peoples of Africa, Latin America, and the East Today (Linton, 1949).  Thus, it is essential that we consider the influence of different cultures around the world if we are going to claim that we have really examined human personality in all its variations.

Cultural Studies in the Field of Psychology

Since the 1990s, a number of general books on psychology and culture have been available (e.g., Brislin, 2000; Lonner & Malpass, 1994; Matsumoto, 1994, 1997; Matsumoto & Juang, 2004; Okun, Fried, & Okun, 1999; Price & Crapo, 2002; Segall et al., 1990).  Although all of these books address topics such as the “self” and person-perception, and other various aspects of personality, only a few of them devote an actual chapter or section to the topic of personality itself (Matsumoto & Juang, 2004; Price & Crapo, 2002; Segall et al., 1990), and in each case the topics are fairly specific.  There is, however, some older literature on the relationships between culture, society, and personality.  We will examine that research in the second part of this section.  First, let us examine some of the general principles of incorporating cross-cultural perspectives into the study of personality.

The Challenges of Cultural Research

The first problem faced by those who are interested in the study of culture and personality is the question:  what exactly is to be studied?  At the most basic level, there are two types of research.  Cross-cultural research typically refers to either parallel studies being conducted in different cultures, or similar concepts being studied in different cultures.  In contrast, intercultural research is the study of individuals of different cultures interacting with one another (Brislin, 2000; Matsumoto & Juang, 2004; Segall et al., 1990).  As you will see in later chapters, some personality theorists consider interpersonal relationships to be the only true domain for studying individual personality.  While most of the research done in psychology has been cross-cultural, as the world becomes more and more of a global community the opportunity for, and importance of, intercultural research is rapidly expanding.

Another fundamental problem with the study of culture is our attention to it, or rather, the lack of attention we pay to something that is so deeply ingrained in our daily lives.  Richard Brislin suggests the following exercise:  write down three answers for someone from a different culture who asks “What should I know about your culture so that we can understand each other better?” (pg. 10; Brislin, 2000).  Because we simply take our cultural influences for granted, it proves quite difficult for us to think that they need to be identified or explained.  For example, freedom of speech is a cherished right in America.  Consequently, we often speak our minds.  If I am upset about some new college policy, I might say very negative things about the administration of our college, even about particular administrators.  It does not mean I intend to be disrespectful, or that I dislike those individuals, or that I won’t say positive things about them when I agree with the next new policy.  It is simply an expression of one of the great freedoms in our society:  the right to speak out.  However, someone from a different culture, particularly a collectivist culture, might be shocked at my apparent disrespect toward my “superiors.”

The next important issue is the difference between emic and etic tasks or behaviors.  Simply put, emic tasks are those that are familiar to the members of a given culture, whereas etic tasks are common to all cultures.  In an elegantly simple, yet revealing study, Irwin, Schafer, & Feiden (1974) demonstrated these phenomena in two cultures:  American undergraduates and Mano rice farmers (from Liberia).  The American college students were consistently better at performing the Wisconsin Card Sort, a well-known psychological test measuring cognitive reasoning skills, which relies on geometric shapes and color.  The Mano farmers, however, were consistently better at sorting different categories of rice.  Thus, the ability to sort items into categories appears to be an etic task (most likely common to all humans, regardless of culture), whereas the more specific abilities to sort by geometry and color (common to American college students) or type of rice grain (common to Mano farmers in Liberia) is an emic task that requires familiarity.  Thus, if we made a judgment about the Mano farmers’ cognitive abilities based on the Wisconsin Card Sort, we would clearly be making a mistake in comparing them to Americans, due to the unfamiliarity of the particular task.

Another important aspect of cross-cultural research, which may involve applying our understanding of etics and emics, is the issue of equivalence.  Is a concept being studied actually equivalent in different cultures?  In other words, does a concept mean the same thing in different cultures, is the comparison valid?  For example, an etic related to intelligence is the ability to solve problems.  So how might we compare different cultural groups?  Would the speed with which they solve a problem make sense as a measure of intelligence?  Such an answer would be emic, and therefore valid, in America (where we typically value independence and competition).  However, among the Baganda of Uganda, slow and careful thought is the emic.  Among the Chi-Chewa of Zambia, the emic is responsibility to the community, i.e., solving the problem in order to best get along with other people.  Thus, the speed at which people solve problems is conceptually equivalent, since it is the way in which people in each culture identify those individuals who are considered intelligent (Brislin, 2000).  However, we cannot compare the actual speed of reporting a solution to others, as this is viewed quite differently in each culture.

One particular type of equivalence that raises a very interesting problem is that of translation equivalence.  Psychologists often want to use tests developed in their own language with people of a different culture who speak a different language.  Translating a test from one language to another can be a difficult task.  The best way to assess translation equivalence is through back translation.  In this procedure, one person translates the test, or survey, into the foreign language, and then a different person translates the foreign language test back into the original language.  The original test can then be compared to the back translated test to see how closely they are worded.  Ideally they would be identical, but this is seldom the case.  To give you a simple example, when I was in graduate school, we had a student from Taiwan join our research group.  One day I asked her to translate my last name, Kelland, into a Chinese character.  When she had done that, I asked her how she would translate that particular Chinese character into English for someone who was not Chinese.  She translated the character as Kwang.  Despite the first letter, I hardly consider Kwang to be a reasonable translation of Kelland, but she didn’t seem to think of this as much of a problem (perhaps revealing another cultural difference!).  When the process of back translation is used successfully, which may involve working back and forth with the translations, it has the effect of decentering the test from the original language.  Specifically, that means that the test should be free of any culturally emic references or aspects that interfere with the translation equivalence of the different versions of the test (Brislin, 2000; Matsumoto & Juang, 2004).

While the list of issues pertaining to cross-cultural research goes on, let’s consider just two more specific issues:  cultural flexibility and cultural response sets.  Cultural flexibility refers to how individuals are willing to change, or adapt, in situations in which they know there are cultural differences.  For example, American businesspeople can stand about 15 minutes of small talk before getting down to business.  Their Japanese counterparts, in contrast, consider it important to get to know their business partners, and they are comfortable with hours of conversation about a variety of topics.  This would, of course, be an important consideration for anyone studying the relationship between individual personality and success in business situations in this intercultural setting.  Cultural response sets refer to how a given culture typically responds.  If a given culture is more reserved, and they are asked to rate the importance of some value in comparison to how a more open culture rates that value, a difference in the rating may reflect the cultural difference in responding, rather than the degree to which people in each culture value the variable being measured (Brislin, 2000; Matsumoto & Juang, 2004).

Finally, in light of these challenges, it may be particularly important to conduct cross-cultural validation studies.  Rather than testing hypotheses about specific cultural differences, cross-cultural validation studies are used to examine whether a psychological construct that was identified in one culture is meaningful and equivalent in another culture (Brislin, 2000; Matsumoto & Juang, 2004).  For example, as we will see in Chapter 7, Erik Erikson did not feel confident in proposing his eight stages of development (the psychosocial crises) until he had confirmed his observations in two separate Native American tribes.  He was able to gain the trust of these groups, and thus able to closely observe their child-rearing practices, thanks to the anthropologists who introduced him to the tribes they had been studying for a long time.

Anthropologists have done much more for psychology than merely introducing some psychologists to cultural issues and unique cultural groups.  Some of them have had their own interests in personality.  Many anthropologists, as well as some psychologists, have relied on ethnographies to report detailed information on the customs, rituals, traditions, beliefs, and the general way of daily life of a given group.  They typically immerse themselves in the culture, living for an extended period of time with the group being studied (this helps get past the anxiety of being observed or any lack of cultural flexibility).  Comparing the ethnographies of different groups can help guide cross-cultural psychologists in determining the likelihood that their cross-cultural studies are valid (Matsumoto & Juang, 2004; Segall et al., 1990).

Discussion Question:  Translating psychological tests into different languages is often a problem for cross-cultural psychologists.  Americans have a reputation for only knowing English, whereas people in other countries often speak more than one language.  Do you know a foreign language well enough to actually communicate with someone in another country?  How important do you think it is to learn another language as part of understanding their culture?

Placing Cross-Cultural Studies in Context:  Blending

Psychology with Anthropology

As the field of psychology entered the twenty-first century, there was a groundswell of interest in cultural factors as they pertain to all areas of psychology.  In the field of personality, as well as in other areas, there have always been individuals with an interest in culture and society, but they tended to remain as individuals.  Although they were often admired for their unique interests and ideas, the major emphasis in psychology was on the scientific method and data that had been obtained in carefully controlled situations, and then analyzed with similar, exacting precision.  Culture, as difficult as it is to define, was left largely to anthropologists and sociologists.

Anthropologists, in particular, were not as shy about addressing the domain of psychology, and a number of anthropologists crossed over into the study of psychology to such an extent that they are often mentioned even in the introductory psychology textbooks.  But given that their primary interest was in anthropology, they did not form detailed personality development theories of the type presented in this (or other) personality textbooks.  In this chapter, however, we will take a look at some of the ideas presented by the renowned anthropologist Ralph Linton, and his occasional colleague Abram Kardiner, a psychoanalyst with an associate appointment in the same anthropology department as Linton.  In addition to their books, students of personality with a strong interest in cultural influences on personality will also find the works of Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead of great interest.

Subjective Wellbeing Presentation

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  1. Resource: Subjective Wellbeing Presentation Grading Guide
    Prepare a 8- to 10-slide Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentation that illustrates the relationship between subjective wellbeing and the following topics:

    • Physical health
    • Mental health
    • Work
    • Intelligence
    • Religion
    • Race, ethnicity, and stigma
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      Submit your assignment.
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      PSY/225: Positive Psychology•Wk 3 – Subjective Wellbeing Presentation [due Mon]•Submitted on Sat, Jun 20, 2020, 12:00 PMView Originality Report – Old Design

      Gbenga Adeogun

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      SUBJECTIVE WELLBEING

      Presented by:

      Gbenga Adeogun

      Presentation date:

      18TH JUNE,2020

      *

      INTRODUCTION

      Subjective well-being is actually an individual’s experience on the quality of his or her live.

      It entails emotional reactions as well as cognitive judgments.

      This term of subjective well-being can also be referred to us happiness in an individual’s life, hence a subjective component of quality of life (Goodman, et al.

      2018).

      1Subjective well-being (SWB) is a self-reported measure of well-being, typically obtained by questionnaire. Ed Diener developed a tripartite model of subjective well-being in 1984, which describes how people experience the quality of their lives and includes both emotional reactions and cognitive judgments.

      This term of subjective well-being can also be referred to us happiness in an individual’s life, hence a subjective component of quality of life (Goodman, et al.

      2018).

      *

      2Subjective wellbeing with physical health Relationship

      Physical health and subjective well-being can actually be referred to us two way street, whose aim is to maintain happiness as well as life satisfaction of an individual.

      Therefore physical health contributes to a better overall health of an individual, hence happiness.

      Happiness also contributes to longer life, less prone to becoming ill, hence subjective well-being.

      3Physical Well-Being.

      4A state of physical well-being is not just the absence of disease. It includes lifestyle behavior choices to ensure health, avoid preventable diseases and conditions, and to live in a balanced state of body, mind, and spirit.

      5Physical well-being is about being safe, sheltered and in good health and it is closely connected to mental well-being.

      6If we have good physical health, we will automatically experience better mental and emotional well-being.

      3On the other hand, mental stress and anxiety will put stress on internal organs, increase blood pressure, decrease immune function and upset chemical balances.

      *

      2Subjective wellbeing with mental health Relationship

      Subjective wellbeing being is a vital aspect of the individual’s life quality.

      An individual’s life can be arbitrated depending on various aspects such as prosperity, education accomplishment, revenue, and even health status.

      If an individual’s mental health is good according to ratings, then the person will tend to have a better subjective well-being in relation to an individual with unstable mental health.

      According to psychology, an optimistic and positive thoughts oriented individual tends to life long and good life than the pessimistic and negative thoughts oriented individual (Diener, et al.

      2018).

      2A personal self-rating of mental health is strongly related to subjective wellbeing. In general the health of an individual will determine their subjective well being as good subjective wellbeing leads to better health and vice versa. Being optimistic and being positive has shown to predict a longer health life compared to being pessimistic and negative, as these too will led to a poor health status and morality.

      *

      2Work and Subjective Wellbeing Relationship

      Work is the most important part of human being.

      An individual’s well-being determines his or her performance at work.

      Subjective well being is also a determinant of whether an individual is in a position of working well as well as relating with his work mates as well as the employer (Diener, et al.

      2018).

      An interaction at work which makes an individual feel positive is actually a good way of improving well-being.

      7Therefore, an individual’s well being will always determined by the experiences which he or she goes through at work.

      2The relationship between wellbeing and work is very strong as wellbeing can determine your performance at work and whether you are capable of working well with your colleagues and employer. Interacting with thing at work that make you feel positive is a good way to improve your wellbeing both at work and at home. The experiences an individual goes through at work will always determine their wellbeing and performance. Poor work conditions and performance has always led to a poor subjective wellbeing to individuals. This usually decreases the performance of an employee and with time he/she will lose their job due to underperforming at work.

      *

      2Intelligence and Subjective Wellbeing Relationship Intelligence of a person is a determinant of that person’s positive outcome in life, translating to greater subjective well-being.

      According to research, subjective well-being is actually arbitrated with emotional intelligence.

      High intelligence levels brings positive impacts on life satisfaction which is a component of subjective well-being, as compared to low intelligence levels which mostly contributes to dissatisfaction in life due to negative thoughts (Okbay, et al.

      2016).

      2An individuals intelligence will determine whether a person’s life has a positive outcome which will lead to a greater subjective well-being. A study done in the present day determines whether the relationship between mindfulness and subjective wellbeing is being mediated with emotional intelligence (Okbay, et al.

      2016).

      2Higher levels of intelligence has shown to bring about positive affects and satisfaction in life compared to lower intelligence levels which lead to negative affects and dissatisfaction in an individual’s life.

      *

      2Religion and Subjective Wellbeing Relationship

      A person’s faith and strength in religious matters will be a great determinant.

      The religious strength determines an individual’s relationship with spiritual matters.

      7Religion influence to a person’s subjective well-being has always been positive, direct and substantial.

      High satisfaction levels to an individual are associated with strong religious beliefs of the concern person (Okbay, et al.

      2016).

      2This study examines the relationships between religion and subjective wellbeing of an individual. An individual’s strength in religion will determine his wellbeing and how he/she relates with their spiritual self (Okbay, et al.

      2016).

      2The influence religion has on wellbeing has always being positive and is usually direct and substantial. Those who have string religious beliefs tend to have high levels of life satisfaction like happiness. But nondenominational believers like Jehovah Witness and Mormons have reported to have a greater life satisfaction than denominational believers.

      *

      2Race and Subjective Wellbeing Relationship

      Race is one of the factors impacting on the subjective well-being of the black individuals in a negative manner.

      For instance, a black American tends to be looked down upon in their workplaces due to their race.

      This brings in a dissatisfaction in life as well as in work of the black races.

      The race experience is totally different on other races like the whites, this is because, for them they tend to be satisfied with life as well as work with favor of their skin color, hence subjective well-being.

      2Social roles tend to benefit the subjective wellbeing of an individual according to a research and a theory that supports this. But this study was done examining white people. For the research done on blacks, they have found that differences in race has influenced their wellbeing on social roles. Research has found that blacks and whites have similar experiences but their wellbeing varies between those experiences of which to some extent, race and gender.

      *

      2Ethnicity and Subjective Wellbeing Relationship

      If an individual is categorized under a social group which has got a perfect well being, that individual will tend to increase his or her positive impacts in life, hence subjective well-being.

      It must be emphasized that being surrounded with individuals with higher positive levels of subjective well-being will tend to bring motivation, hence changing the involved individual’s subjective well-being (Diener, et al.

      2017).

      2Well, ethnicity and race are not that far apart but still are different in their own way in terms of wellbeing. Having a social group that has the perfect subjective wellbeing in every individual is a good way to increase the positive effects on your wellbeing (Diener, et al.

      2017).

      2Being around people with who have higher positive levels of wellbeing tend to motivate you to change your subjective wellbeing to their because you like they way their life is satisfying and happy. It all depends with the group of people you hangout with.

      *

      2Stigma and Subjective Wellbeing Relationship

      Stigma is a determinant of how individuals tend to see an individual in the society.

      Stigma tends to have a negative impact on an individual’s subjective well-being more especially if the person is a victim of stigmatization.

      Therefore, the way the society looks at an individual is actually a determinant of the person’s well-being (Goodman, et al.

      2018).

      2Stigma will always tend to affect the lifestyle and wellbeing of an individual because it is a powerful tools and it determines how people see you in the society (Goodman, et al.

      2018).

      2How people see you in the society will always determine how your subjective wellbeing will be. If people see you in a positive way, your wellbeing will have positive results while on the other hand if you have been stigmatized by your society, then your wellbeing will have a negative effect on you

      *

      References:

      8Diener, E., Heintzelman, S. J., Kushlev, K., Tay, L., Wirtz, D., Lutes, L.

      D., & Oishi, S.

      (2017).

      8Findings all psychologists should know from the new science on subjective well-being.

      Canadian Psychology/psychologie canadienne, 58(2), 87.

      9Diener, E., Oishi, S., & Tay, L.

      (2018).

      10Advances in subjective well-being research. Nature Human Behaviour, 2(4), 253.

      Goodman, F.

      9R., Disabato, D. J., Kashdan, T.

      B., & Kauffman, S.

      B.

      (2018).

      9Measuring well-being: A comparison of subjective well-being and PERMA.

      The Journal of Positive Psychology, 13(4), 321-332.

      9Okbay, A., Baselmans, B. M., De Neve, J. E., Turley, P., Nivard, M. G., Fontana, M.

      A.,…

      & Gratten, J.

      (2016).

      9Genetic variants associated with subjective well- being, depressive symptoms, and neuroticism identified through genome- wide analyses. Nature genetics, 48(6), 624-633.

      11Verduyn, P., Ybarra, O., Résibois, M., Jonides, J., & Kross, E.

      (2017).

      11Do social network sites enhance or undermine subjective well‐being? A critical review. Social Issues and Policy Review, 11(1), 274-302.

      1* Subjective well-being (SWB) is a self-reported measure of well-being, typically obtained by questionnaire. Ed Diener developed a tripartite model of subjective well-being in 1984, which describes how people experience the quality of their lives and includes both emotional reactions and cognitive judgments.

      This term of subjective well-being can also be referred to us happiness in an individual’s life, hence a subjective component of quality of life (Goodman, et al.

      2018).

      3* Physical Well-Being.

      4A state of physical well-being is not just the absence of disease. It includes lifestyle behavior choices to ensure health, avoid preventable diseases and conditions, and to live in a balanced state of body, mind, and spirit.

      5Physical well-being is about being safe, sheltered and in good health and it is closely connected to mental well-being.

      6If we have good physical health, we will automatically experience better mental and emotional well-being.

      3On the other hand, mental stress and anxiety will put stress on internal organs, increase blood pressure, decrease immune function and upset chemical balances.

      2* A personal self-rating of mental health is strongly related to subjective wellbeing. In general the health of an individual will determine their subjective well being as good subjective wellbeing leads to better health and vice versa. Being optimistic and being positive has shown to predict a longer health life compared to being pessimistic and negative, as these too will led to a poor health status and morality. * The relationship between wellbeing and work is very strong as wellbeing can determine your performance at work and whether you are capable of working well with your colleagues and employer. Interacting with thing at work that make you feel positive is a good way to improve your wellbeing both at work and at home. The experiences an individual goes through at work will always determine their wellbeing and performance. Poor work conditions and performance has always led to a poor subjective wellbeing to individuals. This usually decreases the performance of an employee and with time he/she will lose their job due to underperforming at work. * An individuals intelligence will determine whether a person’s life has a positive outcome which will lead to a greater subjective well-being. A study done in the present day determines whether the relationship between mindfulness and subjective wellbeing is being mediated with emotional intelligence (Okbay, et al.

      2016).

      2Higher levels of intelligence has shown to bring about positive affects and satisfaction in life compared to lower intelligence levels which lead to negative affects and dissatisfaction in an individual’s life. * This study examines the relationships between religion and subjective wellbeing of an individual. An individual’s strength in religion will determine his wellbeing and how he/she relates with their spiritual self (Okbay, et al.

      2016).

      2The influence religion has on wellbeing has always being positive and is usually direct and substantial. Those who have string religious beliefs tend to have high levels of life satisfaction like happiness. But nondenominational believers like Jehovah Witness and Mormons have reported to have a greater life satisfaction than denominational believers. * Social roles tend to benefit the subjective wellbeing of an individual according to a research and a theory that supports this. But this study was done examining white people. For the research done on blacks, they have found that differences in race has influenced their wellbeing on social roles. Research has found that blacks and whites have similar experiences but their wellbeing varies between those experiences of which to some extent, race and gender. * Well, ethnicity and race are not that far apart but still are different in their own way in terms of wellbeing. Having a social group that has the perfect subjective wellbeing in every individual is a good way to increase the positive effects on your wellbeing (Diener, et al.

      2017).

      2Being around people with who have higher positive levels of wellbeing tend to motivate you to change your subjective wellbeing to their because you like they way their life is satisfying and happy. It all depends with the group of people you hangout with. * Stigma will always tend to affect the lifestyle and wellbeing of an individual because it is a powerful tools and it determines how people see you in the society (Goodman, et al.

      2018).

      2How people see you in the society will always determine how your subjective wellbeing will be. If people see you in a positive way, your wellbeing will have positive results while on the other hand if you have been stigmatized by your society, then your wellbeing will have a negative effect on you

      *

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Background and history that led to the conflict.

/in /by

Each student will write an 5-7 page paper on a conflict that he or she experienced in an organizational setting.  The submission must be typed, double-spaced, and have uniform 1-inch margins in 12-point Times New Roman font.  The organizational analysis will contain the following sections:

  • Background and history that led to the conflict.
  • How/why did the conflict escalate?
  • How was the conflict resolved?
  • What would the student have done differently, based on what he or she has learned in the class?