Garvin, Edmondson, & Gino

hbr.org | March 2008 | Harvard Business Review 109

Is Yours a Learning Organization? Using this assessment tool, companies can pinpoint areas where they need to foster knowledge sharing, idea development, learning from mistakes, and holistic thinking.

by David A. Garvin, Amy C. Edmondson, and Francesca Gino

L EADERS MAY THINK that getting their organizations to learn

is only a matter of articulating a clear vision, giving em-

ployees the right incentives, and providing lots of training.

This assumption is not merely fl awed – it’s risky in the

face of intensifying competition, advances in technology, and

shifts in customer preferences.

Organizations need to learn more than ever as they confront

these mounting forces. Each company must become a learning

organization. The concept is not a new one. It fl ourished in the

1990s, stimulated by Peter M. Senge’s The Fifth Discipline and

countless other publications, workshops, and websites. The result

was a compelling vision of an organization made up of employ-

ees skilled at creating, acquiring, and transferring knowledge.

These people could help their fi rms cultivate tolerance, foster

open discussion, and think holistically and systemically. Such

learning organizations would be able to adapt to the unpredict-

able more quickly than their competitors could.

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TOOL KIT | Is Yours a Learning Organization?

110 Harvard Business Review | March 2008 | hbr.org

Unpredictability is very much still

with us. However, the ideal of the

learning organization has not yet been

realized. Three factors have impeded

progress. First, many of the early dis-

cussions about learning organizations

were paeans to a better world rather

than concrete prescriptions. They over-

emphasized the forest and paid little

attention to the trees. As a result, the

associated recommendations proved

difficult to implement – managers

could not identify the sequence of steps

necessary for moving forward. Second,

the concept was aimed at CEOs and se-

nior executives rather than at manag-

ers of smaller departments and units

where critical organizational work is

done. Those managers had no way of

assessing how their teams’ learning

was contributing to the organization

as a whole. Third, standards and tools

for assessment were lacking. Without

these, companies could declare vic-

tory prematurely or claim progress

without delving into the particulars or

comparing themselves accurately with

others.

In this article, we address these de-

fi ciencies by presenting a comprehen-

sive, concrete survey instrument for

assessing learning within an organiza-

tion. Built from the ground up, our tool

measures the learning that occurs in a

department, offi ce, project, or division –

an organizational unit of any size that

has meaningful shared or overlapping

work activities. Our instrument enables

your company to compare itself against

benchmark scores gathered from other

fi rms; to make assessments across areas

within the organization (how, for, exam-

ple, do different groups learn relative

to one another?); and to look deeply

within individual units. In each case,

the power is in the comparisons, not in

the absolute scores. You may fi nd that

an area your organization thought was

a strength is actually less robust than at

other organizations. In effect, the tool

gives you a broader, more grounded

view of how well your company learns

and how adeptly it refi nes its strategies

and processes. Each organization, and

each unit within it, needs that breadth

of perspective to accurately measure its

learning against that of its peers.

Building Blocks of the Learning Organization Organizational research over the past

two decades has revealed three broad

factors that are essential for organi-

zational learning and adaptability: a

supportive learning environment, con-

crete learning processes and practices,

and leadership behavior that provides

reinforcement. We refer to these as the

building blocks of the learning organiza-

tion. Each block and its discrete subcom-

ponents, though vital to the whole, are

independent and can be measured sep-

arately. This degree of granular analysis

has not been previously available.

Our tool is structured around the

three building blocks and allows com-

panies to measure their learning pro-

fi ciencies in great detail. As you shall

see, organizations do not perform

consistently across the three blocks,

nor across the various subcategories

and subcomponents. That fact sug-

gests that different mechanisms are at

work in each building-block area and

that improving performance in each

is likely to require distinct supporting

activities. Companies, and units within

them, will need to address their partic-

ular strengths and weaknesses to equip

themselves for long-term learning. Be-

cause all three building blocks are ge-

neric enough for managers and fi rms of

all types to assess, our tool permits orga-

nizations and units to slice and dice the

data in ways that are uniquely useful to

them. They can develop profi les of their

distinctive approaches to learning and

then compare themselves with a bench-

mark group of respondents. To reveal

the value of all these comparisons, let’s

look in depth at each of the building

blocks of a learning organization.

David A. Garvin (dgarvin@hbs.edu) is the C. Roland Christensen Professor of Business

Administration and the chair of the Teaching and Learning Center, and Amy C. Edmondson

(aedmondson@hbs.edu) is the Novartis Professor of Leadership and Management and the

chair of the doctoral programs, at Harvard Business School in Boston. Francesca Gino

(fgino@andrew.cmu.edu) is a visiting assistant professor of organizational behavior and theory

at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh.

Supportive learning environments allow time for a pause in the action and encourage thoughtful review of the organization’s processes.

A learning organization is a place where employees excel at creating, acquiring, and transferring knowledge. There are three building blocks of such institu- tions: (1) a supportive learning environ- ment, (2) concrete learning processes and practices, and (3) leadership behavior that reinforces learning.

The online tool presented here can help you assess the depth of learning in your organization and its individual units. The power of the instrument lies in the comparisons it allows users to make – within and among an institution’s functional areas, between organizations, and against established benchmarks.

Exploring how well your company learns relative to others reveals both the multidimensionality of the organiza- tional learning process and the specifi c areas where your company needs to improve.

Article at a Glance

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hbr.org | March 2008 | Harvard Business Review 111

BUILDING BLOCK 1: A supportive learning environment. An environ- ment that supports learning has four

distinguishing characteristics.

Psychological safety. To learn, em- ployees cannot fear being belittled or

marginalized when they disagree with

peers or authority fi gures, ask naive

questions, own up to mistakes, or pre-

sent a minority viewpoint. Instead, they

must be comfortable expressing their

thoughts about the work at hand.

Appreciation of differences. Learning occurs when people become aware of

opposing ideas. Recognizing the value

of competing functional outlooks and

alternative worldviews increases en-

ergy and motivation, sparks fresh think-

ing, and prevents lethargy and drift.

Openness to new ideas. Learning is not simply about correcting mistakes

and solving problems. It is also about

crafting novel approaches. Employees

should be encouraged to take risks and

explore the untested and unknown.

Time for refl ection. All too many man- agers are judged by the sheer number

of hours they work and the tasks they

accomplish. When people are too busy

or overstressed by deadlines and sched-

uling pressures, however, their ability

to think analytically and creatively is

compromised. They become less able

to diagnose problems and learn from

their experiences. Supportive learning

environments allow time for a pause

in the action and encourage thoughtful

review of the organization’s processes.

To change a culture of blame and

silence about errors at Children’s Hos-

pitals and Clinics of Minnesota, COO

Julie Morath instituted a new policy of

“blameless reporting” that encouraged

replacing threatening terms such as “er-

rors” and “investigations” with less emo-

tionally laden terms such as “accidents”

and “analysis.” For Morath, the culture

of hospitals must be, as she told us,

“one of everyone working together to

understand safety, identify risks, and re-

port them with out fear of blame.” The

result was that people started to col-

laborate throughout the organization

to talk about and change behaviors,

policies, and systems that put patients

at risk. Over time, these learning activi-

ties yielded measurable reductions in

preventable deaths and illnesses at the

Paper About Music. On Singing And The Vocal Ensemble 1

For the written final project option, I have chosen a flexible writing assignment in response to listening to performances of Palestrina’s motet “Sicut cervus”, which is attached. The edition you are looking at has editorial accents on stressed syllables of text, FYI.

Psalm 42:1

Sicut cervus desiderat ad fontes aquarum,

ita desiderat anima mea ad te, Deus.

As a hart longs for the flowing streams,

so longs my soul for thee, O God.

Please read the excerpt from Alexander Blachly’s article “On singing and the vocal ensemble 1” from A Performer’s Guide to Renaissance Music, ed. Jeffrey T. Kite-Powell (Schirmer 1994).

For your essay, please choose three issues that Blachly raises about interpretation (for example, ensemble, imitation, pronunciation, text expression, punctuation, etc.) and discuss how they are or are not implemented in the recording of Palestrina’s Sicut Cervus: New York Polyphony: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NHUuaA8DKiQ. You will not be able to address the entire piece, but should focus on finding one or more specific examples of each issue (cite bar numbers, please).

Your concluding paragraph should address why you felt the performance was successful or unsuccessful overall. You should write using the first person perspective: “I think…”

search “Sicut cervus (Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina) – New York Polyphony” copy it and paste it at youtube, you will see the video.

Describe what the narrator told you about the dance that helped you understand the dance better.

Please watch the Taylor 2 Dance company video.  This is a lecture demonstration so you will see sections of dances and there will be information before each performance that will give you more insight into the work.

Your response to the video needs to include the following for each of the three dances presented:

FOR EACH OF THE THREE DANCES IN THE VIDEO- you will go through the process described below- identify what image, story and/or feeling that dance gave you and why (200 wds). You will also describe how the narration before the dance helped you understand the dance better (150 wds). Your entire essay will be 1050 wds.

1. As you watch each dance (Airs, Pizzola Caldera and Esplanade) identify what images, feelings and/or stories you find in the work.  Now this is your own interpretation.  You do not have to think there is one definitive answer. BUT- you need to explain what about the movement, the interactions between dancers, the rhythms and speed, the costumes, the music led you to your conclusions. (200 wds each dance).

2. Describe what the narrator told you about the dance that helped you understand the dance better. (150 wds)

Turner And Abdul Khabee Reading Response

Chapter 8

Erving Goffman

EMBODIED INFORMATION IN

FACE -TO-FACE INTERACTION

From E. Goffman (1963) Behavior in Public Places: Notes on the Social

Organization of Gatherings, Free Press of Glencoe, Collier-Macmillan.

T HE EXCHANGE OF WOR D S and glances between individuals in each other’s presence is a very common social arrangement, yet it is one whose distinctive communication properties are difficult to disentangle. Pedantic definitions seem to be required.

An individual may give information through the linguistic means formally established in society for this purpose, namely, speech or recognized speech substitutes such as writing and pictorial signs or gestures. One speaks here of an individual sending messages to some- one who receives them. But the individual may also give information expressively, through the incidental symptomatic significance of events associated with him. In this case one might say that he emits, exudes, or gives off information to someone who gleans it.

[ … ]

The information that an individual provides, whether he sends it or exudes it, may be ~odied or disembodied}). frown, a spoken word, or a kick is a message that a sender con-

veys by means of his own current bodily activity, the transmission occurring only during the time that this body is present to sustain this activity. Disembodied messag_e_s, such as the ones we receive from letters and mailed gifts, or the ones hunters receive from the spoor of a now distant animal, require that the organism do something that traps and holds informa- ~on long after the organism has stopped informing. This study will be concerned only with embodied information.

[ … ]

In everyday thinking about the receiving senses, it is felt that ordinarily they are used in a “naked” or “direct” way. This apparently implies a restriction on boosting devices – mechanical, chemical, or electrical – except as these raise the faulty sense of a particular individual to average unassisted strength: glasses, for example, but not binoculars; hearing aids but not microphones. Electric lighting would have to be allowed as merely raising a room to day-time standards.

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EMBODIED INFORMATION IN FACE-TO-FACE INTERACTION 83

When one speaks of experiencing someone else with one’s naked senses, one usually implies the reception of embodied messages. This linkage of naked sen~s on one side and embodied transmission on the other providesone°of the crucial c9mmunication condi- tions of face-to-face_ interaction. Under this condition any message that an individual ;ends is likely to be qualified and modified by much additional information that others glean from him simultaneously, often unbeknownst to him; further, a very large number of brief messages may be sent.

Now the individual can, of course, receive embodied messages by means of his naked senses without much chance of these communication roles being reversed, as when he spies on persons through a crack in the wall or overhears them through a thin partition. 2 Such asymmetrical arrangements may even be established as part of an occupational setting, as in the procedure by which psychoanalysts or priests observe their clients without being as easily observed in return. Ordinarily, however, in using the naked senses to receive embodied messages from others, the individual also makes himself available as a source of embodied information for them (although there is always likely to be some differential exploitation of these monitoring possibilities). Here, then, is a second crucial communi- cation condition of face-to-face interaction: not only are the receiving and conveying of the naked and embodied kind, but each giver is himself a receiver, and each receiver is a giver.

The implications of this second feature are fundamental. First, sight begins to take on an added and special role. Each individual can see that he is being experienced in some way, and he will guide at least some of this conduct according to the perceived identity and initial ~ponse of his audience. 3 Further, he can be seen to be seeing this, and can see that he has been seen seeing this. Ordinarily, then, to use our naked senses is to use them nakedly and to be made naked by th~ir use: We are clearly seen as the agents of our acts, there being very little chance of disavowing having committed them; neither having given nor having received messages can be easily denied, at least among those immediately involved. 4

The factor emerges, then, that was much considered by Adam Smith, Charles Cooley, and G. H. Mead; namely, the special mutuality of immediate social interaction. That is, when two persons are together, at least some of their world will be made up out of the fact (and consideration for the fact) that an adaptive line of action attempted by one will be either insightfully facilitated by the other or insightfully countered, or both, and that such a line of action must always be pursued in this intelligently helpful and hindering world. Individuals sympathetically take the attitude of others present, regardless of the end which they put the information thus acquired. 5

[ … ]

Copresence renders persons uniquely accessible, available, and subject to one another. Public order, in its face-to-face aspects, has to do with the normative regulation of this accessibility. Perhaps the best explored face-to-face aspect of public order as tra- ditionally defined is what is sometimes called “public safety.” Its basic rules are few and clear, and, in Western society today, heavily reinforced by police authority.

[ . .. ]

For our present purposes, the aspect of public order having to do with personal safety will be passed by. I will be concerned with the fact that when persons are present

 

 

84 ERVING GOFFMAN

to one another they can function not merely as physical instruments but also “5 commu- nicative ones. This possibility, no less than the physical one, is fateful for ~veryone

concerned and in every society appears to come under strict normative regulation, giving rise to a kind of communication traffic order.

[ … ]

In American society, it appears that the individual is expected to exert a kind of disci- pline or tension in regard to his body, showing that he has his faculties in readiness for any face-to-face interaction that might come his way in the situation.

[ … ]

One of the most evident means by which the individual shows himself to be situa-

tionally present is through the disciplined management of personal appearance or “per- sonal front,” that is, the complex of clothing, make-up, hairdo, and other surface

decorations he carries about on his person. In public places in Western society, the male of certain classes is expected to present himself in the situation neatly attired, shaven, his hair combed, hands and face clean; female adults have similar and further obligations. It should be noted that with these matters of personal appearance the obligation is not merely to possess the equipment but also to exert the kind of sustained control that will

keep it properly arranged. (And yet, in spite of these rulings, we may expect to find, in such places as the New York subway during the evening rush hour, that some persons, between scenes, as it were, may let expression fall from their faces in a kind of tempo- rary uncaring and righteous exhaustion, even while being clothed and made up to fit a much more disciplined stance.)

I have already suggested that a failure to present oneself to a gathering in situational harness is likely to be taken as a sign of some kind of disregard for the setting and its participants.

[ … ]

An interesting expression of the kind of interaction tonus that lies behind the proper

management of personal appearance is found in the constant care exerted by men in our society to see that their trousers are buttoned and that an erection bulge is not showing. 6

Before entering a social situation, they often run through a quick visual inspection of the relevant parts of their personal front, and once in the situation they may take the extra precaution of employing a protective cover, by either crossing the legs or covering the crotch with a newspaper or book, especially if self-control is to be relaxed through com- fortable sitting. A parallel to this concern is found in the care that women take to see that

their legs are not apart, exposing their upper thighs and underclothing. The universality in our society of this kind oflimb discipline can be deeply appreciated on a chronic female ward where, for whatever reason, women indulge in zestful scratching of their private

parts and in sitting with legs quite spread, causing the student to become conscious of the vast amount of limb discipline that is ordinarily taken for granted. A similar reminder of one’s expectations concerning limb discipline can be obtained from the limb movements required of elderly obese women in getting out of the front seat of a car. Just as a Balinese would seem ever to be concerned about the direction and height of his seat, so the indi- vidual in our society, while “in situation,” is constantly oriented to keeping “physical” signs of sexual capacities concealed. And it is suggested here that these parts of the body when

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EMBODIED INFORMATION IN FACE-TO-FACE INTERACTION 85

exposed are not a symbol of sexuality merely, but of a laxity of control over the self – evidence of an insufficient harnessing of the self for the gathering.

[“.]

One of the most delicate components of personal appearance seems to be the composi- tion of the face. A very evident means by which the individual shows himself to be situa- tionally present is by appropriately controlling through facial muscles the shape and expression of the various parts of this instrument. Although this control may not be conscious to any extent, it is nonetheless exerted. We have party faces, funeral faces, and various kinds of institutional faces.

[“.]

An interesting fact about proper composition of the face is that the ease of maintain- ing it in our society would seem to decline with age, so that, especially in the social class groupings whose women long retain an accent on sexual attractiveness, there comes to be an increasingly long period of time after awakening that is required to get the face into shape, during which the individual in her own eyes is not “presentable.” A point in age is also reached when, given these youthful standards of what a face in play should look like, there will be viewing angles from which an otherwise properly composed face looks to have insufficient tonus.

The disciplined ordering of personal front is one way, then, in which the individual is obliged to express his aliveness to those about him.

Notes

2

3

4

Compare the usage byT. S. Szasz, The Myth ef Mental Jllness (New York: Hoeber-Harper, 1961), p. 116 ff. An asymmetrical communication relation of this kind, Polonius notwithstanding, is of course more practical when boosting devices, such as concealed microphones, are employed. In Shetland Isle pocket telescopes were commonly used for the purpose of observing one’s neighbors without being observed in the act of observing. In this way it was possible to check constantly what phase of the annual cycle of work one’s neigh- bors were engaged in, and who was visiting whom. This use of the telescope was appar- ently related to the physical distance between crofts, the absence of trees and other blocks to long-distance perception, and the strong maritime tradition of the Islands. It may be added that every community and even work place would seem to have some special communication arrangements of its own. In the asymmetrical case, where a person is being spied upon by direct or indirect means, he may greatly modify his conduct if he suspects he is being observed, even though he does not know the identity of the particular audience that might be observ- ing him. This is one of the possibilities celebrated in Orwell’s 1984, and its possibility is one of the force operative is socially controlling persons who are alone. When two-way television is added to telephones, the unique contingencies of direct interaction will fmally be available for those who are widely separated. In any case these mediated ‘point-to-point’ forms of communication can be characterized by the degree to which they restrict or attenuate the communicative possibilities discussed here.