CJ Exam 3 FOR PUJA

CHAPTER

Learning Objectives: � To appreciate John Rawls’

theory of justice and the “greatest equal liberty” principle.

� To recognize the importance of the Model Rules of Professional Conduct for prosecution and defense conduct.

� To understand what a “mob lawyer” is and the proper role of a defense attorney in criminal cases.

� To assess the scope of a prosecutor’s discretion and its implication for ethical conduct.

� To evaluate the nature of plea bargaining and the ethical dilemma it creates.

� To understand the ethical underpinnings of sentencing decisions.

Courts How Ought a Case Be Adjudicated?

Everyone has a reason for what he or she does, and itis the task of the adjudication process to evaluate theacceptability of the reasons offered. Consider the case of former U.S. ambassador Joseph Wilson, who wrote an editorial in the New York Times criticizing President

A man’s habits become his character. —Edmund Burke (1729–1797)

7

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George W. Bush for falsely linking Iraq to African uranium in his 2003 State of the Union speech. A few days later, the name of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) agent Valerie Plame, Wilson’s wife, was leaked to the press. It is a felony to reveal, and thereby endanger, the identity of a CIA agent. Wilson alleged that the exposure of his wife was retaliation by the Bush administration for his critical editorial. Journalists reported that Bush administration officials had revealed the CIA agent’s identity, and after failing to learn the identity of the leak from government officials, the U.S. attorney general began issuing subpoenas to journalists contacted by Bush officials. Many of the reporters insisted that First Amendment guarantees of free press should protect them from such subpoenas, claiming their promises of confidentiality to sources are needed to protect those leaking information that serves the public good by making government more transparent and accountable. The judge disagreed, citing an earlier U.S. Supreme Court case that held, “We cannot accept the argument that the public interest in possible future news about crime . . . must take precedence over the public interest in pursuing and prosecuting those crimes.” The judge ordered several reporters to serve jail time for refusing to testify before a grand jury investigating the matter, noting that “all available alternative means of obtaining the information have been exhausted, the testimony sought is necessary for the completion of the investigation, and the testimony sought is expected to constitute direct evidence of innocence or guilt.”1

This case illustrates the need to carefully assess (and then adjudicate) the claims of the journalists in not revealing their sources. It must be determined whether the justification they offered is valid, which is the fundamental role of ethics in decisions affecting criminal justice. For example, the judge in this case is faced with balancing the goods to be achieved from solving the alleged leak of a CIA agent’s identity versus protecting future journalistic sources from being revealed. The total possible happiness to be achieved from a short-term goal (solving this case) versus a long- term goal (protecting journalists’ sources) points to the problem of utilitarianism in measuring and comparing different consequences because the possible outcomes and their impacts are not always apparent or predictable. Formalism would frame the decision as asking which is the better universal rule: “It is in the public interest to always protect a journalist’s sources from being revealed” or “Journalists must reveal their sources in cases involving endangering a government agent, when all other avenues of investigation have been exhausted.” Finally, virtue ethics would frame the judge’s decision in determining whether a real good (knowledge or civil peace) is being pursued in accord with the moral virtues (especially prudence and justice). Would you make the same decision as the judge did in this case?

DOING JUSTICE

The criminal justice system is designed to enforce moral rules that have been written into the criminal law. Aristotle believed that justice consists of giving each person his or her due. The Preamble to the U.S. Constitution reads

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

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The real goods of civil peace and liberty are expressly mentioned, as is the moral virtue of justice, showing their centrality not only for individuals but for entire societies as well. Kant believed that justice does not specify what each person is owed, so he added that a just rule or law exists when reasonable persons would accept the rule for themselves.

John Rawls (1921–2002) was a twentieth-century philosopher who posited a theory of justice, stating that there are two principles of justice acceptable to all people: (1) Each person is free and worthy of respect, and liberty is restricted only out of respect for the liberty of others, and (2) social and economic opportunities must be open to all even though outcomes may be different. Inequalities should not unfairly burden any segment of society. Rawls’s view implies a tension between freedom and equality, and he shows a concern for the social justice in society. He believes justice and fairness are different concepts. Justice applies to all people at all times, whereas fairness occurs when a person has the opportunity to decline (e.g., a school or a job). According to Rawls, the highest good is the “greatest equal liberty principle,” which means that every person should have the right to liberties equal to those of everyone else having the same rights. Inequality is accepted only if it benefits the underprivileged.2

Crime and justice are linked in ethical terms in that conduct is criminalized to maintain social justice and order. Under ideal conditions, when everyone is acting justly, crime will not occur. In a similar vein, James Madison, fourth president of the United States, stated in the federalist papers in 1788, “If men were angels no government would be necessary and if angels governed, no controls on government would be necessary.”3 As this chapter describes, there is a long history of constitutional interpretation dealing with the balance to be struck between the public interest in apprehending and adjudicating crime suspects and the interest of private individuals to be left alone.

Public opinion is mixed regarding how this balance is achieved in practice. A Gallup poll asked an important question in 2000 and again in 2003.4 The question and answers are presented in Table 7.1. There was a slight drop in citizen ratings of fairness of the criminal justice system (which includes police, courts, and corrections) from 2000 to 2003, but two- thirds (66 percent) of the public believe the system is fair in its treatment of those accused of crimes. This suggests that a clear majority of citizens believe that justice is occurring, but it is still troubling that one-third (32 percent) do not. Therefore, it is important that the meaning and application of justice in practice be considered carefully because public opinion, public confidence, and public support of the justice system are crucial in a democratic society. Consensus that criminal justice decisions are based on objective principles of ethics and justice is needed to defend and uphold confidence in the justice system when difficult or controversial decisions are at issue.

TABLE 7.1

In general, do you think the criminal justice system is very fair, somewhat fair, somewhat unfair or very unfair in its treatment of people accused of committing crime?

Year of Survey Very or Somewhat Fair Very or Somewhat Unfair

2000 67% 29% 2003 66% 32%

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PROSECUTOR MISCONDUCT

Lawyers have bad reputations; they are always ranked among the lowest of the professions in terms of public confidence. As it turns out, they have had this image for a long time. Both Plato and Aristotle wrote disparagingly of advocates who misrepresented the truth, making the guilty appear innocent. In the modern era, the American Bar Association adopted Model Rules of Professional Conduct in 1983, recognizing that “virtually all difficult ethical problems arise from conflicts between a lawyer’s responsibilities to clients, to the legal system, and to the lawyer’s own self-interest in remaining an upright person while earning a satisfactory living.” This excerpt from the Preamble to the Model Rules might be applied to any profession. Most ethical dilemmas involve balancing self-interest; duty to clients, customers, or colleagues; and responsibility to the profession. In a nod to the central importance of ethical principles, the Model Rules also state in the Preamble that difficult issues “must be resolved through the exer- cise of sensitive professional and moral judgment guided by the basic principles underlying the Rules.”5 It is those basic ethical principles that underlie the Model Rules and are the substance of ethics. The Model Rules merely attempt to apply those principles to law-related situations.

The conduct of some prosecutors before and during trial has generated a great deal of concern on ethical grounds. A well-known instance of clearly unethical conduct is from the case Miller v. Pate, in which the prosecutor concealed from the jury that a pair of underpants with red stains on it were stained by paint, not blood.6 In other cases, prosecutors have tried to prejudice a jury against a defendant with deliberately inflammatory and untrue statements. For example, a prosecutor said in his summation, the defendant and his lawyer “are completely unable to explain away their guilt.”7

According to one prosecutor, the reason professional misconduct takes place is because “it works.”8

This utilitarian rationale assumes that the intended good that results (conviction) outweighs the pos- sible negative consequences (misleading the jury, undermining the adversary process, and possible erroneous convictions). Therefore, even a utilitarian argument does not support the practice, and for- malism and virtue ethics would reject it on principle, regardless of the outcome achieved.

The reason the practice of untruths in court “works” is because there is inconsistent enforcement of the legal and ethical rules of prosecutor conduct. In one case, a conviction was upheld, even though the appellate court found the prosecutor’s comments to be “totally out of order,” and the prosecutor was not penalized in any way.9 An analysis of conflicting and inconsistent court decisions on this issue concluded that “they demonstrate the utter failure of appellate courts to provide incen- tives for the prosecutor to control his behavior . . . very little guidance is given to the prosecutor to assist him in determining the propriety of his actions. Clearly, without such guidance, the potential for misconduct significantly increases.”10 Appellate courts can correct or punish prosecutors with a warning, reversing the case, or by publicly naming the prosecutor. They cannot be fined, because the U.S. Supreme Court has held that prosecutors are not personally liable for misconduct in presenting a case.11 Although some degree of immunity from liability is desirable, a complete shield from liability when misconduct occurs does nothing to prevent misconduct from continuing in the future.

These cases illustrate that professional misconduct sometimes has short-term rewards (e.g., convictions, personal popularity), but longer-term consequences are left for others to deal with (e.g., miscarriages of justice, low public regard for lawyers, declining public support for the criminal justice system). Without external checks through meaningful review of professional decisions, these important decisions can become self-serving, promoting only self-interest rather than public interest.

Of course, there are occasional cases where a prosecutor might intentionally lose a case when he or she believes the individual charged is innocent. These cases are normally handled by reducing

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charges or having the case dismissed, but in a New York City case an assistant district attorney (ADA) intentionally lost a case that his supervisor told him must be prosecuted. The ADA had to weigh the demands of ethics against his obligation to his office. He was ordered to take the case to course and let a judge decide it, even though his 2-year investigation of the facts led him to believe the suspects were innocent. The ADA helped the defense lawyers in the case in handling witnesses, and the suspects were ultimately freed.12 This kind of case is rare, but it illustrates that both prosecu- tion and defense must advocate for their clients (the public and the accused), but there is also a duty to seek the truth, which sometimes is lost in the workings of the adjudication process.

DEFENSE MISCONDUCT

Kevin Rankin was a lawyer for the Philadelphia Cosa Nostra organized crime group. He obtained statements and testimony that he knew were false on behalf of family members charged with crimes. He also paid off a corrections officer to perjure himself.13 Rankin was ultimately convicted for his role as a participant in an organized crime narcotics conspiracy and was sentenced to 54 years in prison.

Bruce Cutler was the attorney for New York City Gambino family mob boss John Gotti and later for Gotti’s son. Prosecutors successfully disqualified him from representing the Gottis in several cases, arguing that he had a conflict of interest because of his friendship with his clients and participation in some of the events that would be raised at trial. The prosecution claimed Cutler was “as integral a part of the Gambino family as any of its members.”14

Frank Ragano spent 30 years representing alleged organized crime figures, such as Santo Trafficante of Florida, Carlos Marcello of New Orleans, and Jimmy Hoffa of the Teamster’s Union.15 After the deaths of Trafficante and Marcello, Ragano recounted in a book that he was seduced by the power and influence of these individuals and ultimately decided to leave his circle of clients. As a mob lawyer, Ragano confessed that “my gravest error as a lawyer was merging a professional life with a personal life. Ambition and aspiration for wealth, prestige, and recognition clouded my judgment. . . . Representing Santo and Jimmy was a shortcut to success—too much of a shortcut.”16 He admitted that he “crossed the professional line” when he became intimate friends with his infamous clients. He “gradually began to think like them and to rationalize their aberrant behavior. Their enemies became my enemies; their friends, my friends; their values, my values; their interests, my interests.”17 Ironically, an Internal Revenue Service (IRS) audit of his tax records was ordered soon after his successful defense of Trafficante, and Ragano was sentenced to a year in prison. Can you explain Frank Ragano’s behavior as a mob lawyer in ethical terms?

In an effort to deter conduct such as that of Frank Ragano, the government has turned to forfeiture laws. Under forfeiture laws, the proceeds of organized crime-related activity may be forfeited to the government. Lawyers argue that if the fees paid to them by organized crime-linked defendants can be forfeited under this provision, attorneys will avoid representing this kind of client, which impacts on a defendant’s right to counsel and due process.18 If defense attorneys are required to ask their clients about the sources of their legal fees, would it set a poor precedent for “high- profile” defendants? Should their physicians and accountants be required to ask the same question? Some would say yes, whereas others see this as neither workable nor desirable, compromising the attorney–client privilege by making lawyers monitor the sources of their clients’ funds.19

Defendants do not have a right to high-priced counsel, but should they have the right to use proceeds from crime to pay lawyer’s fees or living expenses during court proceedings? Other countries permit defendants to use suspected illegal funds to defend themselves and for living expenses during trials, but the United States does not:

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If a criminal robbed a bank and was caught holding the bags of cash taken from the vault, I think we would all agree that the money would be returned to the bank and the robber . . . not be entitled to use the proceeds of his crime to pay for lawyers to mount his defense. It should be no different for other types of crimes.20

The tension between a professional having to know the source of his or her client’s funds and a defendant’s use of alleged illegal funds for legal representation creates a difficult dilemma that deters some attorneys from taking organized crime cases. The ethical issues of representing a notorious client are compounded by the high personal cost such representation might entail. The government uses a utilitarian calculus to discourage representation of targeted clients by raising the possibility of adverse consequences for the defense attorney.

For all lawyers in prosecution, defense, or private practice, there is “no uniform or coordinated procedure” for federal, state, and local jurisdictions to exchange information regarding disciplinary problems with attorneys. Attorneys disciplined in one state, for example, “are not automatically scrutinized in other states where they may also be licensed to practice.” There is also “no formal arrangement” where state bar disciplinary committees are notified of disciplinary actions or convictions against attorneys in federal court within or outside their state.21 This allows attorneys to move to different jurisdictions and continue using unprofessional conduct. A system that does not consistently punish those who violate the law or the rules of professional responsibility tacitly promotes it. Therefore, defense attorneys, like prosecutors, need meaningful oversight of their decisions to ensure their congruence with public interest.

ISSUES AT TRIAL

Darrell Harris was placed on trial for killing three people and seriously wounding a fourth at a Brooklyn social club. It was the first capital punishment case to be tried after New York State had reinstated the death penalty. Harris was charged with robbing the victims of $200 and then killing them because he wanted no witnesses. His defense attorney claimed that Harris “lost control and snapped” during this incident because he suffered from posttraumatic stress disorder from the “combatlike” work conditions in the jails when he worked as a corrections officer.22 In addition, Harris’s attorney argued that Harris’s mental health was affected by a chaotic and abusive childhood, spinal meningitis that caused brain damage, cocaine and alcohol abuse, and failure to hold a job. Two days before the homicides occurred, Harris was fired from his job as a security guard. He also had discovered his car had been towed. Previously, he had resigned from his job as a corrections officer after failing a drug test.

These claims bear little relationship to the charges filed, and they feed the perception that defense attorneys focus less on seeking truth than on exoneration of their clients at any cost.23

Cases such as this one raise other questions as well: “What are the limits of proper representation, and what is the purpose of the adjudication process?”

In criminal cases, police and prosecutors attempt to establish criminal liability. This involves establishing the presence of the elements of the crime that subject the accused person to criminal penalties. Defendants, and defense lawyers working on their behalf, attempt to establish reasons why the act in question, the suspect’s state of mind, or the circumstances of the incident establish a case for acquittal. In many cases, the defense will stipulate that the act and harm were both caused by the defendant but that there is a valid excuse for the defendant’s conduct. In most cases, the defendant ultimately admits to the conduct in question, leading to the question: “Should a lawyer defend a guilty person?”

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Some people wonder how defense attorneys live with themselves after they help a guilty person be exonerated, but this view overlooks the fact that defense attorneys represent only the legal rights of defendants, not their past, their personality, or their guilt or innocence. In fact, it is “not their job to decide who is guilty and not. Instead, it is the public defender’s job to judge the quality of the case that the state has against the defendant.”25 According to the standards of the American Bar Association, “the defense lawyer is the professional representative of the accused, not the accused’s alter ego.”26

In a murder case that was appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, a defense attorney did not permit his client to testify falsely about whether he had seen a gun in the hand of the victim. The defendant claimed that he was deprived of effective assistance of counsel because of his lawyer’s refusal to permit the defendant to perjure himself. The Supreme Court disagreed and held that the defense lawyer’s duty “is limited to legitimate, lawful conduct compatible with the very nature of a trial as a search for truth.” As a result, “counsel is precluded from taking steps or in any way assist- ing the client in presenting false evidence or otherwise violating the law.”27 The proper role of a defense attorney is to represent a defendant in an honest way that seeks the truth in the case. The Code of Professional Responsibility prohibits false statements of fact or law in court; there is much “fiction weaving that customarily passes for argument to a jury.”28 As we have already seen in the case of prosecutors, there may also be a gap between the principles and the actual practice of criminal defense. It can be seen that several of Aristotle’s moral virtues (i.e., justice, truthfulness, temperance, prudence, pride, ambition) are sometimes twisted and misapplied in an effort to pursue personal success over the public good. Objective review of these decisions by the participants themselves, and by outside bodies, can point to these ethical errors and serve as warnings to others.

DECIDING CASES WITHOUT TRIAL

Prosecutors have few limits on how they carry out their role. Consider the example of a Manhattan district attorney in New York City who established a narcotics eviction program. In response to complaints of tenants in poor neighborhoods, the district attorney asked landlords to begin eviction proceedings against tenants who were using drugs or allowing others to use their apartments to sell drugs. If the landlord did not act, the district attorney initiated eviction proceedings under New York’s real estate law, which prohibits the use of any premises for the conduct of illegal activity. Police searches of the premises produced the evidence that supported allegations of illegal use. In one case, a 68-year-old woman was living with two daughters who were selling drugs. The judge allowed the mother to remain in the apartment but barred the daughters from returning there. In 6 years the program removed more than 2,000 drug users and dealers from both residential and commercial buildings.29 This case illustrates the broad powers of prosecutors in both selecting prosecution targets and the nature of the prosecution itself.

ETHICS CHECKUP Justice versus Mercy

A scientist was sentenced to 5 years in prison for conspiracy to sell trade secrets worth $8 million from two pharmaceutical companies.24 The scientist also had cancer and was expected to live only about 6 months longer. He told the judge, “I don’t

want to die in prison.” But the judge said he had “no choice” and sentenced the scientist to the prison term.

On what principles(s) would you make a decision in this case, and what would your sentence be?

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The prosecutor’s discretion is considerable in the manner in which the law can be enforced and adjudicated.30 Prosecutors can set priorities, concentrate on certain types of cases, and avoid other cases entirely. In the case of an armed robbery, for example, police turn over the case to the prosecutor, who decides (1) whether the case will be prosecuted and (2) what charges will be pressed. In the case of armed robbery, for example, assault, larceny, and weapons charges could be filed in addition to the robbery charge (because they are lesser included offenses). After charges have been filed, the prosecutor can decide not to press the charges any further or to reduce the charge in exchange for a guilty plea. After a defendant has pleaded guilty or been convicted in court, the prose- cutor usually recommends a particular sentence to the judge. Thus, the prosecutor has considerable discretion at virtually all important decision points in the criminal justice process: determining whether the police decision to arrest was appropriate, determining the charge, recommending bail, playing a role in whether a defendant goes to trial, and influencing the judge’s sentencing decision.

The scope of a prosecutor’s discretion continues to expand as the adoption of mandatory minimum sentence laws and truth-in-sentencing laws has reduced the judge’s flexibility in sentencing choices. This shifting of sentencing authority away from judges to the prosecutors (in deciding on the charge to be prosecuted) has been criticized for placing too much power in the hands of one person.31 Clearly, prosecutors have opportunities to misuse their discretionary powers because of the tremendous scope of their authority.32 They have garnered the most criticism in the process of plea bargaining.

Plea bargaining occurs when a prosecutor agrees to press a less serious charge, drop some charges, or recommend a less severe sentence if the defendant agrees to plead guilty. Some prosecutors claim that plea bargaining is a necessary evil that enables them to handle large caseloads. Others claim that it is merely an administrative convenience. In either case, plea bargaining is the method of settlement for approximately 90 percent of all criminal cases.33

Defense attorneys provide legal protection to defendants by examining the evidence used to establish probable cause and questioning whether the evidence proves guilt beyond reasonable doubt. This role sometimes brings the defense counsel into conflict with police and prosecutors and with victims and witnesses who believe they are being “attacked” by the defense. An effective defense attorney, however, skillfully examines the reliability and validity of the evidence produced by the police, prosecutors, victims, and witnesses; the attorney should not attack anyone as an individual. Strong advocacy of the legal rights of a defendant can become blurred with the desire to win at all costs. But the role of a defense attorney is crucial because it increases certainty about outcomes in the adjudication process. Without high levels of certainty in findings of guilt or innocence, the public loses faith in the justice system and in the government it represents.

A plea bargain often results in a reduced sentence, and the prosecution will often recommend a longer sentence on the same charge after trial. Is it fair, just, or ethical to impose harsher penalties on someone found guilty after trial than on someone who agrees to plead guilty for a reduced sentence? Clearly, a trial is designed for a full airing of the facts, providing the opportunity for cross- examination of witnesses to assess the strength of the evidence offered. Plea bargaining replaces a trial with a guilty plea, which is a less reliable process.34 In ethical terms, a sentence is a statement of the moral “worth” of the crime. Formalism sees the purpose of sentencing as retributive, so there is no justification for changing punishment based on whether it is a plea or trial. Similarly, virtue ethics would have trouble justifying different punishments based solely on the method of adjudication. Plea bargaining is justified entirely on utilitarian grounds: More good results from the plea bargain (an immediate and certain conviction and sentence) than harm (disproportionate sentences and facts not evaluated by a neutral party at trial). Do you believe plea bargaining is morally permissible on utilitarian grounds?

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JUDICIAL DECISIONS

A judge in New Jersey ruled in 2004 that criminals may have their DNA samples destroyed after they complete their prison sentences. The judge ruled that “Once a felon has paid his or her debt to society and has fully resumed civilian life, the state’s right to maintain that person’s DNA withers.”35 This decision caused tremendous controversy because it apparently opened a large hole in an earlier law that required everyone convicted of a crime to submit a DNA sample. As the attorney general stated in his intention to appeal the judge’s decision, the whole purpose of maintaining a DNA database is “to determine if a career criminal has done it again.”36

This DNA case in New Jersey represents one of two important kinds of judicial decisions that judges are required to make: ruling on evidence and sentencing choices. These judgments are crucial because they involve a person’s liberty, something that virtue ethics recognizes as a real good (i.e., an end to be desired in itself). The judge’s argument in the DNA case is an interesting one, implying that if DNA is kept forever, isn’t it the equivalent of holding someone under a lifetime term of providing DNA as evidence, when the sentence has already been served and debt to society been repaid? However, the attorney general makes a good point in noting that the purpose of the DNA database is to do just that—to determine DNA matches for unsolved crimes. The issue of balancing two competing social goods forms the utilitarian argument: Should a sentence end completely after the term is served, or should the DNA of an offender be stored forever to help solve future crimes? Both can be seen as desirable social goods with consequences that are not always easy to foresee. From the perspective of formalism, which of these is a good universal rule, and does either violate the practical imperative? Finally, virtue ethics asks whether the real good in sentencing (civil peace) is enhanced in accord with the moral virtue of justice (giving someone no more or less than they are due).

The answer to the utilitarian question depends on how you judge the two questions of social good in terms of the total happiness they might produce. Formalism would clearly reject keeping the DNA samples because the policy uses persons (via their DNA) as a means to another end. Virtue ethics would question the extent to which holding the DNA sample forever contributes to civil peace and whether holding a burglar’s or embezzler’s DNA in perpetuity, after he or she has served the sentence, is consistent with justice. Virtue ethics might find DNA databases for serious violent or repeat offenders more ethically justifiable than for less serious offenders. This ethical analysis illustrates the difficulties of judicial decision making because of the different ways that evidence can be considered and sentences justified.

Sentencing of offenders is assessed differently using different ethical perspectives. These are summarized in Table 7.2.

Utilitarianism looks toward the future in assessing the impact of alternate sentences on the future conduct of the offender and also within general society (i.e., potential consequences and deterrence). Formalism looks to the past, seeing that punishment can be based only in proportion to the seriousness of past conduct (retribution). Attempting to anticipate the impact of the sentence on the offender in the future, or on others in the future, cannot be known, and it unjustly uses the current offender as a means to an end. Virtue ethics looks at the present, focusing less on the act committed and more on the character of the person who committed it and how a sentence would work to achieve real goods in accord with the moral virtues. The differences between the major ethical perspectives are highlighted in the case of sentencing, and it illustrates how different ethical assumptions result in divergent sentencing philosophies. Sentencing is discussed in more detail in Chapter 8.

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TABLE 7.2 Ethical Underpinnings of Sentencing

Focus of Sentence Direction of Vision

Primary Sentencing Philosophy

Formalism On the act committed

Past: punishment based on seriousness of past conduct

Retribution

Utilitarianism On the act committed

Future: look for best way to prevent new crime

Deterrence

Virtue ethics On the character of the person

Present: achieve civil peace via moral virtues

Rehabilitation

ETHICS IN BOOKS

Ethics is everywhere, even in the books we read, which sometimes are written without ethics specifically in mind. Here is a summary of a book that looks at actions that affect others, followed by questions that ask you to reflect on the ethical connections.

Me to We: Finding Meaning in a Material World

Craig Kielburger and Marc Kielburger (Fireside, 2006)

Craig and Marc Kielburger are brothers and founders of the groups Free the Children and Leaders Today. Their book describes how they became involved with helping others on a large scale. They weave in many personal stories of both famous and unknown people who have performed acts of giving toward others and their motivations for doing so. The book attempts to show how a motivated individual of modest means can make (and have made) a difference in this world.

Free the Children was founded in 1995 and is the largest existing network of children help- ing children though education. Thus far, it has organized more than a million young people in education programs in 45 countries. It has also built more than 450 schools in the developing world. Leaders Today was founded in 1999 and provides leadership programs for 350,000 young people each year through community groups, schools, and international training opportunities.

The authors talk of the search for meaning and how it is often elusive: “many of us fall into a trap and work long hours because of a sense of responsibility to others, not being able to say no at work, or trying to provide ‘only the best’ for our family. We make these choices with good intentions, but in the end they are not the best for our family, or ourselves. We get sucked into a way of life that does not fulfill us.” In traveling around the world with volunteers doing work in developing countries, the authors found that “many of the people with whom we worked had very little in the way of material possessions yet expressed a sense of happiness more powerful than anything we had experienced . . . empathy for others, a willingness to feel for the less fortunate and reach out to help. Happiness and joy in small things. Strength in community.”

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The “Me to We” perspective described by the authors looks for individuals to assess objectively their own situation: “in our current culture, we constantly receive messages that success is about the things we have,” material goods, a competitive outlook, a preoccupation with the self or “Me.” On the other hand, the “We” perspective focuses on gratitude for what you have, empathy for others, redefining happiness by aligning your goals with your values, and forging a stronger connection to others in the local and global community.

The book is filled with practical suggestions for actively living a life with meaning by focusing on “we” rather than on “me.” Quoting Eleanor Roosevelt, they conclude,

“One’s philosophy is not best expressed in words. It is expressed in the choices that we make, and those choices are ultimately our responsibility.”

QUESTIONS

1. If a life of meaning is characterized by many little-noticed deeds, rather than a few immortal deeds, how can these small deeds make a difference in huge social problems such as educational opportunity, poverty, and injustice?

2. What would the major ethical perspectives (of Aristotle, Kant, and Mill) say about the desirability of performing small, unseen ethical acts? Are ethics more meaningful when practiced among the less fortunate?

ETHICS IN THE MOVIES

Movies seek to entertain and inform the audience about a story, incident, or person. Many good movies also hit upon important ethical themes in making significant decisions that affect the lives of others. Read the movie summary here (and watch the movie if you haven’t already), and answer the questions to make the ethical connections.

A Civil Action

Steven Zaillian, Director (1999)

Woburn, Massachusetts, is a small industrial town 12 miles north of Boston. A resident, Anne Anderson (Kathleen Quinlan), had been suspicious about the tap water in Woburn and what seemed like a large number of cases of serious illness, including twelve cases of leukemia in a small town. Based on the book by Jonathan Harr, A Civil Action recounts an actual case against Beatrice Foods and W. R. Grace, which owned a tannery that cured animal hides by pouring chemicals over the leather. The legal question was whether the chemicals were permitted to spill into the surrounding ground and water supply, contaminating the drinking water, causing illness in the town residents.

The attorney who took the case is Jan Schlictmann (John Travolta), who was a stereotypical “in-it-for-the-money” kind of civil attorney. But over the course of this case, he identified with the very sick victims in Woburn, and he looked for justice rather than profit.

As a civil case, the burden of proof is lower than in a criminal case, but it is still very difficult to prove the link among the chemicals and the existence and responsibility for seepage into the water, to the contact with victims and their subsequent illnesses. Numerous experts and conflicting testimony characterized the case, and the corporations spared no expense in attempting to prove their nonresponsibility.

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Schlictmann refused a settlement offer from the corporations for a total of $24 million, believing he could obtain a fairer compensation at trial. The trial jury ultimately awarded $8 million, which was largely earmarked for the cleanup of the chemicals. The case bankrupted Schlictmann’s law firm due to the very high expenses it incurred for a long-term case, paid experts, and legal assistance, and its failure to achieve a settlement large enough to cover its costs.

QUESTIONS

1. Evaluate the moral permissibility of Schlictmann’s refusing the $24 million settlement offer in the hopes of a better outcome at trial.

2. If you were an attorney representing the victims in this pollution case, how would you determine what a “just” outcome should be?

Discussion Question

Do you believe that a judge’s sentencing decisions should be focused on the past, present, or future?

Critical Thinking Exercises

All ethical decisions affect others (by definition) and, as Aristotle points out, ethical decision making is achieved consistently only through practice. Given the outline of virtue ethics provided by Aristotle (i.e., seeking the real goods via the moral virtues), evaluate the moral permissi- bility of the conduct in question in each scenario.

Important note on method: Critical thinking requires the ability to evaluate viewpoints, facts, and behaviors objectively to assess information or methods of argumentation to estab- lish the true worth or merit of an act or course of conduct. Please evaluate these scenarios, first analyzing pros and cons of alternate views, before you come to a conclusion. Do not draw a conclusion first, and then try to find facts to support it—this frequently leads to narrow (and incorrect) thinking.

To properly evaluate the moral permissibility of a course of action using critical thinking skills

1. Begin with an open mind (no preconceptions!), 2. Isolate and evaluate the relevant facts on both sides, 3. Identify the precise moral question to be answered, and 4. Apply ethical principles to the moral question based on

an objective evaluation of the facts, only then drawing a conclusion.

7.1 Butt Charge

The state of Maine proposed a new law requiring every filter-tipped cigarette sold there to carry a nickel surcharge.37

The 5 cents would be refunded when the butt was returned, in the same way that cans and bottles carry deposits in some

states. Butts would be returned to the same recycling loca- tions that handle cans and bottles.

According to the proposal, cigarette manufacturers would place a mark on the filter of each cigarette sold in Maine, indicating the 5-cent deposit notice. If passed, this law would raise the price of a pack of cigarette by $1.

The law arose from problems caused by an earlier ban of cigarette smoking in most public places, forcing smokers outside and leading to the problem of used butts on the ground around the entrances to stores, public buildings, and parking lots. The law also seeks to provide a new source of revenue for the state while avoiding a general tax increase. If half of all butts sold were returned for a deposit, the state would gain about $50 million in unclaimed deposits.

Cigarette vendors and manufacturers did not support the proposed new law, arguing that it would push smokers to buy their cigarettes in other states. There was also the question of health concerns in handling used butts and the practical matter of counting the returned used cigarette butts.

• You are a smoker living in Maine. Is it morally permis- sible to enact such a law?

• How does your argument change if you are a nonsmoker?

7.2 Attorney Confidentiality of a Client’s Criminal Plans?

In a Washington case, a defense attorney was told, both by a psychiatrist and an attorney for the client’s mother, that his client’s mental illness made him a threat to others. The

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Chapter 7 • Courts 101

attorney did not disclose this information at the bail hearing for his client. Eight days after his release, the client assault- ed his mother and attempted suicide.

The appellate court held that the attorney was not legally obligated to disclose this information because the client made no threats in the presence of his attorney that he was going to harm someone. In addition, the mother was aware of the risk she faced.38

In forty states, an attorney is permitted to keep silent even after learning that a client plans to kill someone.39 In these states, disclosure of a client’s intention to commit a serious crime is entirely at the discretion of the attorney.

How does an attorney’s dual responsibility to his or her client and as an officer of the court rank the interests of the client versus that of society? Is there a moral obligation involved to either the client or society?

The general rule of confidentiality in the attorney–client relationship states that “a lawyer may reveal such confi- dences or secrets to the extent the lawyer reasonably believes necessary to prevent the client from committing a crime.” Most states do not distinguish serious from nonserious crimes, and it is easy for an attorney to justify nondisclosure on grounds that disclosure is “unethical.”40 This conclusion is possible by claiming that the attorney is an advocate for the client, so loyalty lies with the client. It might be argued that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish vague criminal threats from actual criminal plans. This can also be seen as an exten- sion of the legal rule that strangers have no obligation to aid someone in distress.

There are practical reasons for confidentiality, the most important of which is that clients might withhold important facts if they were not certain that their attorneys won’t disclose them to third parties. New Jersey is one of the ten states that require attorneys to disclose a client’s stated intention to com- mit a homicide or other serious violent crime. A survey there found that about 9 percent of 786 attorneys responding had encountered at least one situation in which they believed their clients were going to commit such serious crimes, but only half of the attorneys disclosed that information to others.41

Therefore, it appears that even the requirement of disclosure of planned crimes does not guarantee the attorney will do so. However, when a client discloses to his or her attorney the intention to commit a crime, can the attorney be viewed as an accomplice once the crime is committed?

• Do attorneys have a moral obligation, beyond that stated in the law, to protect others from what they believe to be a planned crime?

7.3 A Judge’s Relations

A judge in Chicago was charged with violating ethics rules for having sex in his chambers with a court reporter.

Apparently, a physical relationship took place in the office, and the judge and court reporter had sex on multiple occa- sions during workdays. The judge argued in his defense that there is no rule specifying that consensual relations with another adult in the privacy of his chambers are prohibited.

It was charged that the sexual relationship with the court reporter “created an atmosphere of impropriety and is not in keeping with the dignity of a judicial officer,” although no state rule has been found that addresses or prohibits consen- sual sex by a judge in his office.42

The judge was also charged with forcing kisses on two ADAs, repeatedly asking female prosecutors for dates and commenting on their appearances. But these charges were separate from the judge’s challenge of his having consensual sex with a court reporter in his chambers.

• Assess the moral permissibility of the judge’s conduct using the three major ethical perspectives.

7.4 The Duke Lacrosse Case

The attorney general of North Carolina dismissed all charges against three Duke University lacrosse players who had been charged a year earlier with raping a stripper at a party attended by team members. The attorney general pub- licly rebuked Michael B. Nifong, the district attorney of Durham County, as a “rogue prosecutor” and said the cases were “the result of a tragic rush to accuse and a failure to verify serious allegations.”

The case had received tremendous national publicity and, early on, an assumption was made regarding the culpa- bility of the lacrosse players, which was fueled by the prose- cutor who gave approximately seventy media interviews. When the case was showing signs of weakness due to failure of any DNA match and problems in corroborating the victim’s version of events, the charges were not dropped until defense attorneys publicized the lack of evidence and the attorney general took over the case. The case was also punctuated by Nifong’s reelection as district attorney during these events.

Nifong was charged with an ethics violation for failing in his legal obligation to reveal favorable, exculpatory evi- dence to the defense. The North Carolina State Bar accused Nifong of illegally withholding DNA evidence favorable to the defendants, lying to a bar committee examining his con- duct, and making false statements about evidence and systematically abusing “prosecutorial discretion.”43 Nifong was disbarred in 2007.

• Assume that Nifong had a strong belief that the defen- dants were guilty. How does this affect the moral permissibility of his conduct?

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102 Chapter 7 • Courts

Key Concepts

Theory of justice 91 Greatest equal liberty principle 91 James Madison 91 Model Rules of Professional

Conduct 92

Mob lawyer 93 Proper role of a defense

attorney 95 Prosecutor’s discretion 96 Plea bargaining 96

Two important kinds of judicial decisions 97

Ethical underpinnings of sentencing 98

Notes

1. Susan Schmidt and Carol Leonnig, “Reporter Held in Contempt in CIA Leak Case,” The Washington Post (August 10, 2004), p. A1.

2. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (New York, NY: Clarendon, 1972).

3. James Madison, The Federalist Papers (#51) (New York, NY: Buccaneer Books, 1990), p. 20.

4. “Crime Poll: Topics and Trends,” Gallup News Service (2003).

5. American Bar Association, Model Rules of Professional Conduct, 52 U.S.L.W. 1–27 (August 16, 1983).

6. Miller v. Pate, 386 U.S. 1 (1967). The defendant’s conviction was upheld on appeal but overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court, holding that the prosecutor deliberately misrepresented the truth.

7. United States v. Perry, 643 F.2d 38 2nd Cir. (1981). 8. Bennett L. Gershman, “Why Prosecutors Misbehave,”

Criminal Law Bulletin, vol. 22 (March/April 1986), pp. 131–143; Jennifer Emily and Steve McGonigle,

“Dallas County District Attorney Wants Unethical Prosecutors Punished,” The Dallas Morning News (May 4, 2008).

7.5 Criminals Testifying for the Prosecution

The federal government is relying on some serious criminals—murderers, drug dealers, and gang members—to make its case in a double death penalty trial in Baltimore’s U.S. District Court. In exchange for leniency, at least six “cooperating witnesses,” most of whom haven’t yet been sentenced for their crimes, will testify against James Dinkins, and two co-defendants.

That’s raised concerns among defense attorneys, who say the cooperators have a strong motivation to lie. They point to a recent study out of the University of Arkansas that suggests one in two people will perjure themselves if given an incentive to do so. “Their testimony is essentially bought and paid for,” said John Wesley Hall Jr., president of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers.

But prosecutors say the deals are necessary evils and the best way to get information about covert and illegal organiza- tions. They work very hard with law enforcement agencies to “flip” people for just that reason. “Often the people who are in the best position to be witnesses in a case are the people who themselves have been involved in the criminal activity,” said Maryland U.S. Attorney Rod J. Rosenstein.

If convicted, Dinkins, who is accused of murdering a federal witness, could be put to death. The U.S. attorney’s

office has made deals with other convicted criminals in exchange for testimony, ensuring that some of offenders will be released from prison much earlier in exchange for their testimony. As a result, there’s a lot riding on the testimony of people with “reprehensibly low” credibility, according to one of the defense attorneys. “There’s no DNA, no forensics, no bullet, no fiber, nothing to directly link the defendant to these murders, not a fingerprint,” lawyer Jonathan Van Hoven told the jury during opening statements. There’s “nothing but the testimony of people you are not going to be able to trust or believe.”

One cooperating criminal pleaded guilty to second-degree attempted murder in state court with a recommendation that he serve 30 years, 15 of them suspended. He wasn’t charged with any of the other crimes he confessed to, and he won’t be—if he fully cooperates in this case. That gives him a strong incentive to say whatever the government wants to hear, defense attorneys said. Such witnesses are necessary, acknowledged defense attorney Hall. “The government needs them,” he said. “Sometimes the defense needs them too, but we have nothing to offer. If we were to offer what the government gave, we’d be prosecuted for bribery.”44

• Evaluate the moral permissibility of the prosecutor’s decision to use convicted criminals, whose sentences are not yet final, to testify against another suspect.

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Chapter 7 • Courts 103

9. People v. Shields, 46 N.Y. 2d. 764 (1977). 10. Gershman, p. 140; see also Bruce A. Green and Fred

C. Zacharias, “Regulating Federal Prosecutors’ Ethics,” Vanderbilt Law Review, vol. 55 (March 2002), pp. 381–478.

11. Imbler v. Pachtman, 424 U.S. 409 (1976). 12. Benjamin Weiser, “Doubting a Case, a Prosecutor

Helped the Defense,” The New York Times (June 23, 2008).

13. President’s Commission on Organized Crime, Organized Crime Today: The Impact (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1987), pp. 228–229.

14. William Glaberson, “Effort to Oust Gotti Lawyer Reopens Debate on Tactics,” The New York Times (May 4, 1998), p. B6.

15. Frank Ragano and Selwyn Raab, Mob Lawyer (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1997).

16. Ragano and Raab, Mob Lawyer, p. 362. 17. Ibid. 18. President’s Commission on Organized Crime,

Organized Crime Today: The Impact, p. 253. 19. Katrina A. Abendano, “The Role of Lawyers in the

Fight against Money Laundering: Is a Reporting Requirement Appropriate?” Journal of Legislation, vol. 27 (2001), p. 463.

20. Linda M. Samuel, “Restraining the Global Threat,” in R. Broadhurst, Ed., Transnational Organized Crime Conference: Proceedings (Hong Kong Police Force, 2002).

21. President’s Commission on Organized Crime, Organized Crime Today: The Impact, p. 253.

22. Patricia Hurtado, “Lost Control and Snapped: Defense Cites Stress in Social-Club Killings,” Newsday (May 5, 1998), p. 7.

23. Stephen J. Morse, “The ‘New Syndrome Excuse Syndrome’,” Criminal Justice Ethics, vol. 14 (Winter/Spring 1995), pp. 3–15.

24. “Five-Year Sentence in Secrets Case,” Newark Star-Ledger (July 13, 1991), p. 1.

25. Lisa J. McIntyre, The Public Defender: The Practice of Law in the Shadows of Repute (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1987), p. 145.

26. American Bar Association, Standards for Criminal Justice, Number 4–1.1.

27. Nix v. Whiteside, 475 U.S. 157 (1986). 28. H. Richard Uviller, Virtual Justice: The Flawed

Prosecution of Crime in America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), pp. 153, 155.

29. Peter Finn, The Manhattan District Attorney’s Narcotics Eviction Program (Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice, 1995).

30. Richard Bloom, “Prosecutorial Discretion,” Georgetown Law Journal, vol. 87 (1999), p. 103.

31. Steven R. Donziger, ed. The Real War on Crime: Report of the National Criminal Justice Commission (New York, NY: HarperPerennial, 1996), pp. 183–184.

32. Peter J. Henning, “Prosecutorial Misconduct and Constitutional Remedies,” Washington University Law Quarterly, vol. 77 (Fall 1999), p. 201.

33. B. Boland, E. Brady, H. Tyson, and J. Bassler, The Prosecution of Felony Arrests (Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1983); Gerard Rainville and Brian A. Reaves, Felony Defendants in Large Urban Counties (Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2003).

34. Kenneth Kipnis, “Criminal Justice and the Negotiated Plea,” in M. Leighton and J. Reiman, Eds., Criminal Justice Ethics (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2001), p. 370.

35. Robert Schwanesberg, “Ruling Deals Blow to DNA Law,” NJ.com (December 23, 2004).

36. Schwanesberg, “Ruling Deals Blow to DNA Law.” 37. Freed Bayles, “In Maine, Five-Cent Butt Charge

Targets Litter,” USA Today (March 5, 2001), p. 5. 38. Hawkins v. King County, 602 P.2d 361 (Was. App.

1979). 39. Brendan W. Williams, “Some Secrets Are Not Worth

Keeping: The Attorney’s Duty of Confidentiality Versus Disclosure of Intended Client Crimes,” Criminal Law Bulletin, vol. 34 (March–April 1998), pp. 97–117.

40. Steven R. Salbu, “Law and Conformity, Ethics and Conflict: The Trouble with Law-Based Conceptions of Ethics,” Indiana Law Journal, vol. 68 (1992), pp. 101–130.

41. Leslie C. Levin, “Testing the Radical Experiment: A Study of Lawyer Response to Clients Who Intend to Harm Others,” Rutgers Law Review, vol. 47 (1994), pp. 81–129.

42. John Flynn Rooney, “Ethics Rules Don’t Apply to Judge’s Case, Panel Told,” Chicago Daily Law Bulletin (September 17, 1998), p. 1.

43. “Lacrosse Case Decision,” The Herald-Sun (Durham, NC) (April 12, 2007), p. A2.

44. Tricia Bishop, “Testifying for the State: Criminals,” The Baltimore Sun (May 28, 2009).

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9.2 A Harsh Reality: Honors

9.2 A Harsh Reality: Honors

Today we will be reading primary sources related to women and children and working in factories during

the Industrial Revolution. How bad was it?

Your six evaluations are due at the end of class. 100F

Directions:

Consider the prompt, below:

Analyze the social, political, and economic effects of the Industrial Revolution on women and children during the period 1830 to 1910 in Great Britain and the U.S.

1. Create a GoogleDoc and “number” it A-G. We will model the first document together.

2. Read each of the primary sources and decide which section of the prompt the source applies to. Does the prompt describe a social (impact on society), political (a legal proceeding), or economic (having to do with the making of money) effect caused by the Industrial Revolution?

3. For each document provide two pieces of information as your answer. One will be whether the document fits into the social, political, or economic category and the other will be your justification for placing it in this category. Yes. You need to write 2-3 sentences for this part.

4. Take the three categories you developed today in class and expand those ideas into full paragraphs. One will be about the social, one about the political, and one about the economic. The full question is: “Analyze the social, political, and economic effects of the Industrial Revolution on women and children during the period 1830 to 1910 in Great Britain and the U.S.”

Document A

Note and Source: Edward Baines was a newspaper journalist and editor for the Leeds Mercury Newspaper. In the 1830s, he was elected to Parliament, and served there as a political liberal. Although Baines supported the end of slavery and various political reforms, he opposed legislation regulating factories and extending voting rights to the English working class. These are excerpts from his book History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 1835.

Above all, it is alleged that the children who labor in mills are often cruelly beaten by overlookers, that their feeble limbs become distorted by continual standing and stooping, that in many mills they are forced to work thirteen, fourteen, or fifteen hours per day, and that they have not time either for play or for education.

Factory Inspectors who have visited nearly every mill in the country have proved that views mentioned above of labor in factory mills contain a very small portion of truth. It is definitely true that there have been instances of abuse and cruelty in some factories. But abuse is the exception, not the rule. Factory labor is far less injurious than many of the most common jobs of civilized life.

The human frame is liable to an endless variety of diseases. Many of the children who are born into the world, and attain the age of ten or twelve years are so weak, that under any circumstances they would die early. Such children would sink under factory labor, as they would under any other kind of labor, or even without labor.

 

 

Document C

No person under the age of eighteen shall be employed in any such more than twelve hours in one day, nor more than sixty-nine hours in one week. There shall be allowed not less than one and a half hours for meals. It shall not be lawful to employ in any factory as aforesaid, except in mills for the manufacture of silk, any child who shall not have completed his or her ninth year. It shall not be lawful for any person to employ in any factory as aforesaid for longer than forty-eight hours in one week, nor for longer than nine hours in one day, any child who shall not have completed his or her eleventh year.

Source: Excerpted from The Factory Act of 1833, as outlined by English Parliament.

Document B

 

 

Unless you have visited the manufacturing towns and seen the workers of Manchester (England), you cannot appreciate the physical suffering and moral degradation of this class of the population. Most workers lack clothing, bed, furniture, fuel, wholesome food—even potatoes! They spend from twelve to fourteen hours each day shut up in low-ceilinged rooms where with every breath of foul air they absorb fibers of cotton, wool or flax, or particles of copper, lead or iron. They live suspended between an insufficiency of food and an excess of strong drink; they are all wizened, sickly and emaciated, their bodies thin and frail, their limbs feeble, their complexions pale, their eyes dead. If you visit a factory, it is easy to see that the comfort and welfare of the workers have never entered the builder’s head.

O God! Can progress be bought only at the cost of men’s lives?”

Source: Flora Tristan, French socialist and women’s rights advocate, her published journal, 1842.

Document E

Document D

 

 

Document G

“Slaver Wagons”, 1846

We were not aware, until within a few days, of the modus operandi of the factory powers in this village of forcing poor girls from their quiet homes to become their tools and, like the Southern slaves, to give up their life and liberty to the heartless tyrants and taskmasters. Observing a singular-looking “long, low, black” wagon passing along the street, we made inquiries respecting it, and were informed that it was what we term a “slaver.” She makes regular trips to the north of the state [Massachusetts], cruising around in Vermont and New Hampshire, with a “commander” whose heart must be as black as his craft, who is paid a dollar a head for all he brings to the market, and more in proportion to the distance-if they bring them from such a distance that they cannot easily get back.

This is done by “hoisting false colors,” and representing to the girls that they can tend more machinery than is possible, and that the work is so very neat, and the wages such that they can dress in silks and spend half their time in reading. Now, is this true? Let those girls who have been thus deceived, answer.

Let us say a word in regard to the manner in which they are stowed in the wagon, which may find a similarity only in the manner in which slaves are fastened in the hold of a vessel. It is long, and the seats so close that it must be very inconvenient. Is there any humanity in this? Philanthropists may talk of [African] slavery, but it would be well first to endeavor to emancipate the slaves at home. Let us not stretch our ears to catch the sound of the lash on the flesh of the oppressed black while the oppressed in our very midst are crying out in thunder tones, and calling upon us for assistance.

Source: from Voice of Industry, January 2, 1846, in H.R. Warfel ET. al., ed., The American Mind (New York: American Book Company, 1937), p 392.

Document F Letter from Mary Paul Lowell, Massachusetts Dec 21, 1845

Dear Father,

I received your letter on Thursday the 14th with much pleasure. I am well which is one comfort. My life and health are spared while others are cut off. Last Thursday one girl fell down and broke her neck which caused instant death. She was going in or coming out of the mill and slipped down it being very icy. The same day a man was killed by the cars. Another had nearly all of his ribs broken. Another was nearly killed by falling down and having a bale of cotton fall on him.

Last Tuesday we were paid. In all I had six dollars and sixty cents paid four dollars and sixty-eight cents for board. With the rest I got me a pair of rubbers (rain boots) and a pair of .50 cent shoes.

I get along very well with my work. I can doff as fast as any girl in our room. I think I shall have frames before long. The usual time allowed for learning is six months but I think I shall have frames before I have been in three months as I get along so fast. I think that the factory is the best place for me and if any girl wants employment I advise them to come to Lowell. Tell Harriet that though she does not hear from me she is not forgotten. I have little time to devote to writing that I cannot write all I want to.

Source: Mary S. Paul to Bela Paul and Henry S. Paul [recipients]. From Thomas Dublin, ed., Farm to Factory: Women’s Letters, 1830-1860 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp.100-104.

 

 

Summative Grading

Scale

7 = 100

6 = 85

5 = 70

4 = 65

3 = 50

2 = 40

1 = 35

A Harsh Reality: B Day

Prompt: Analyze the social, political, and economic effects of the Industrial Revolution on children during the period 1830 to 1910 in Great Britain and the U.S.

Use this checkbox to estimate your rubric points:

Merchant Dilema

According to Stephen Morillo, a common issue that political elites in state-level societies had to manage was the merchant dilemma. Explain what the merchant dilemma was in terms of how networks and hierarchies simultaneously strengthened and challenged each other, and examine the potential risks and benefits of merchant activities for the ruling elites. Compare and contrast the following state-level societies in terms of the relative strengths of the political elites and the merchants, elite strategy for the management of the merchant dilemma, and the degree of success or failure of that strategy: Song China; the Abbasid Caliphate, the states of Western Europe around 1100. What might be the reasons for the apparent absence of the merchant dilemma in Mayan societies before 900 in the ink in empire?

The Clash Of Civilizations By Samuel Huntington

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The Clash of Civilizations? Author(s): Samuel P. Huntington Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Summer, 1993), pp. 22-49 Published by: Council on Foreign Relations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20045621 Accessed: 26-08-2015 15:37 UTC

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The Clash of Civilizations?

Samuel P. Huntington

THE NEXT PATTERN OF CONFLICT

World politics is entering a new

phase, and intellectuals have

not hesitated to proliferate visions of what it will be?the end of his

tory, the return of traditional rivalries between nation states, and the

decline of the nation state from the conflicting pulls of tribalism and

globalism, among others. Each of these visions catches aspects of the

emerging reality. Yet they all miss a crucial, indeed a central, aspect

of what global politics is likely to be in the coming years. It is my hypothesis that the fundamental

source of conflict in this

new world will not be primarily ideological or

primarily economic.

The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of

conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will

occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash

of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between

civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.

Conflict between civilizations will be the latest phase in the evo

lution of conflict in the modern world. For a century and a half after

the emergence of the modern international system with the Peace of

Westphalia, the conflicts of the Western world were

largely among

Samuel P. Huntington is the Eaton Professor of the Science of

Government and Director of the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University. This article is the product of the Olin

Institute’s project on “The Changing Security Environment and

American National Interests.”

[22]

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Juana Cremaschi
⭐️Proliferate: increase rapidly; multiply; grow盀
Juana Cremaschi
Juana Cremaschi
Juana Cremaschi
Juana Cremaschi
thesis?
Juana Cremaschi

 

The Clash of Civilizations?

princes?emperors, absolute monarchs and constitutional monarchs

attempting to expand their bureaucracies, their armies, their mer

cantilist economic strength and, most important, the territory they ruled. In the process they created nation states, and beginning with

the French Revolution the principal lines of conflict were between

nations rather than princes. In 1793, as R. R. Palmer put it, “The wars

of kings were over; the wars of peoples had begun.” This nineteenth

century pattern lasted until the end of World War I. Then, as a result

of the Russian Revolution and the reaction against it, the conflict of

nations yielded to the conflict of ideologies, first among communism, fascism-Nazism and liberal democracy, and then between commu

nism and liberal democracy. During the Cold War, this latter conflict

became embodied in the struggle between the two superpowers, nei

ther of which was a nation state in the classical European sense and

each of which defined its identity in terms of its ideology. These conflicts between princes, nation states and ideologies

were

primarily conflicts within Western civilization, “Western civil wars,” as William Lind has labeled them. This was as true of the Cold War as it was of the world wars and the earlier wars of the seventeenth,

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. With the end of the Cold War, international politics moves out of its Western phase, and its center

piece becomes the interaction between the West and non-Western

civilizations and among non-Western civilizations. In the politics of

civilizations, the peoples and governments of non-Western civiliza

tions no longer remain the objects of history as targets of Western

colonialism but join the West as movers and shapers of history.

THE NATURE OF CIVILIZATIONS

During the cold war the world was divided into the First, Second and Third Worlds. Those divisions are no longer relevant. It

is far more meaningful now to group countries not in terms of their

political or economic systems or in terms of their level of economic

development but rather in terms of their culture and civilization.

What do we mean when we talk of a civilization? A civilization is a cultural entity. Villages, regions, ethnic groups, nationalities, reli

FOREIGN AFFAIRS – Summer 1993 [23]

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Samuel P. Huntington

gious groups, all have distinct cultures at different levels of cultural

heterogeneity. The culture of a

village in southern Italy may be dif

ferent from that of a village in northern Italy, but both will share in a

common Italian culture that distinguishes them from German vil

lages. European communities, in turn, will share cultural features that

distinguish them from Arab or Chinese communities. Arabs,

Chinese and Westerners, however, are not part of any broader cul

tural entity. They constitute civilizations. A civilization is thus the

highest cultural grouping of people and the broadest level of cultural

identity people have short ofthat which distinguishes humans from other species. It is defined both by

common objective elements, such

as language, history, religion, customs, institutions, and by the sub

jective self-identification of people. People have levels of identity: a

resident of Rome may define himself with varying degrees of inten

sity as a Roman, an Italian, a Catholic, a Christian, a European,

a

Westerner. The civilization to which he belongs is the broadest level

of identification with which he intensely identifies. People can and do redefine their identities and, as a result, the composition and

boundaries of civilizations change. Civilizations may involve a large number of people,

as with China

(“a civilization pretending to be a state,” as Lucian Pye put it),

or a

very small number of people, such as the Anglophone Caribbean. A

civilization may include several nation states, as is the case with

Western, Latin American and Arab civilizations, or only one, as is the

case with Japanese civilization. Civilizations obviously blend and

overlap, and may include subcivilizations. Western civilization has

two major variants, European and North American, and Islam has its

Arab, Turkic and Malay subdivisions. Civilizations are nonetheless

meaningful entities, and while the lines between them are seldom

sharp, they are real. Civilizations are dynamic; they rise and fall; they

divide and merge. And, as any student of history knows, civilizations

disappear and are buried in the sands of time.

Westerners tend to think of nation states as the principal actors in

global affairs. They have been that, however, for only a few centuries.

The broader reaches of human history have been the history of civi

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The Clash of Civilizations?

lizations. In A Study of History, Arnold Toynbee identified 21 major civilizations; only six of them exist in the contemporary world.

WHY CIVILIZATIONS WILL CLASH

Civilization identity will be increasingly important in the

future, and the world will be shaped in large measure

by the interac

tions among seven or eight major civilizations. These include

Western, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American and possibly African civilization. The most impor tant conflicts of the future will occur along the cultural fault lines sep

arating these civilizations from one another.

Why will this be the case?

First, differences among civilizations are not only real; they are

basic. Civilizations are differentiated from each other by history, Ian

guage, culture, tradition and, most important,

religion. The people of different civilizations have different views on the relations between

God and man, the individual and the group, the

citizen and the state, parents and children, hus

band and wife, as well as differing views of the

relative importance of rights and responsibili ties, liberty and authority, equality and hierar

chy. These differences are the product of centuries. They will not

soon disappear. They

are far more fundamental than differences

among political ideologies and political regimes. Differences do not

necessarily mean conflict, and conflict does not necessarily mean vio

lence. Over the centuries, however, differences among civilizations

have generated the most prolonged and the most violent conflicts.

Second, the world is becoming a smaller place. The interactions

between peoples of different civilizations are increasing; these

increasing interactions intensify civilization consciousness and awareness of differences between civilizations and commonalities

within civilizations. North African immigration to France generates

hostility among Frenchmen and at the same time increased receptiv

ity to immigration by “good” European Catholic Poles. Americans

FOREIGN AFFAIRS – Summer 1993 [25]

The conflicts of the

future will occur along the cultural fault lines

separating civilizations.

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Samuel P. Huntington

react far more negatively to Japanese investment than to larger invest ments from Canada and European countries. Similarly,

as Donald

Horowitz has pointed out, “An Ibo may be … an Owerri Ibo or an

Onitsha Ibo in what was the Eastern region of Nigeria. In Lagos, he

is simply an Ibo. In London, he is a Nigerian. In New York, he is an

African.” The interactions among peoples of different civilizations

enhance the civilization-consciousness of people that, in turn, invig orates differences and animosities stretching

or thought to stretch

back deep into history. Third, the processes of economic modernization and social change

throughout the world are separating people from longstanding local

identities. They also weaken the nation state as a source of identity.

In much of the world religion has moved in to fill this gap, often in the form of movements that are labeled “fundamentalist.” Such

movements are found in Western Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism

and Hinduism, as well as in Islam. In most countries and most reli

gions the people active in fundamentalist movements are young, col

lege-educated, middle-class technicians, professionals and business

persons. The “unsecularization of the world,” George Weigel has

remarked, “is one of the dominant social facts of life in the late twen

tieth century.” The revival of religion, “la revanche de Dieu,” as Gilles

Kepel labeled it, provides a basis for identity and commitment that

transcends national boundaries and unites civilizations.

Fourth, the growth of civilization-consciousness is enhanced by the dual role of the West. On the one hand, the West is at a peak of

power. At the same time, however, and perhaps as a result, a return

to the roots phenomenon is occurring among non-Western civiliza

tions. Increasingly one hears references to trends toward a turning

inward and “Asianization” in Japan, the end of the Nehru legacy and

the “Hinduization” of India, the failure of Western ideas of socialism

and nationalism and hence “re-Islamization” of the Middle East, and

now a debate over Westernization versus Russianization in Boris

Yeltsin s country. A West at the peak of its power confronts non

Wests that increasingly have the desire, the will and the resources to

shape the world in non-Western ways. In the past, the elites of non-Western societies were usually the

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The Clash of Civilizations?

people who were most involved with the West, had been educated at

Oxford, the Sorbonne or Sandhurst, and had absorbed Western atti

tudes and values. At the same time, the populace in non-Western

countries often remained deeply imbued with the indigenous culture.

Now, however, these relationships are

being reversed. A de

Westernization and indigenization of elites is occurring in many non

Western countries at the same time that Western, usually American,

cultures, styles and habits become more

popular among the mass of

the people. Fifth, cultural characteristics and differences are less mutable and

hence less easily compromised and resolved than political and eco

nomic ones. In the former Soviet Union, communists can become

democrats, the rich can become poor and the poor rich, but Russians

cannot become Estonians and Az?ris cannot become Armenians. In

class and ideological conflicts, the key question was “Which side are

you on?” and people could and did choose sides and change sides. In

conflicts between civilizations, the question is “What are

you?” That

is a given that cannot be changed. And as we know, from Bosnia to

the Caucasus to the Sudan, the wrong answer to that question can

mean a bullet in the head. Even more than ethnicity, religion dis

criminates sharply and exclusively among people. A person can be

half-French and half-Arab and simultaneously even a citizen of two

countries. It is more difficult to be half-Catholic and half-Muslim.

Finally, economic regionalism is increasing. The proportions of

total trade that were intraregional rose between 1980 and 1989 from

51 percent to 59 percent in Europe, 33 percent to 37 percent in East

Asia, and 32 percent to 36 percent in North America. The importance of regional economic blocs is likely to continue to increase in the

future. On the one hand, successful economic regionalism will rein

force civilization-consciousness. On the other hand, economic

regionalism may succeed only when it is rooted in a common civi

lization. The European Community rests on the shared foundation

of European culture and Western Christianity. The success of the

North American Free Trade Area depends on the convergence now

underway of Mexican, Canadian and American cultures. Japan, in

contrast, faces difficulties in creating a

comparable economic entity

FOREIGN AFFAIRS Summer 1993 [27]

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Samuel P Huntington

in East Asia because Japan is a

society and civilization unique to itself. However strong the trade and investment links Japan may develop with other East Asian countries, its cultural differences with those

countries inhibit and perhaps preclude its promoting regional eco

nomic integration like that in Europe and North America.

Common culture, in contrast, is clearly facilitating the rapid

expansion of the economic relations between the People s Republic of

China and Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and the overseas Chinese

communities in other Asian countries. With the Cold War over, cul

tural commonalities increasingly overcome

ideological differences, and mainland China and Taiwan move closer together. If cultural

commonality is a

prerequisite for economic integration, the principal East Asian economic bloc of the future is likely to be centered

on

China. This bloc is, in fact, already coming into existence. As Murray Weidenbaum has observed,

Despite the current

Japanese dominance of the region, the Chinese-based

economy of Asia is rapidly emerging as a new

epicenter for industry, com

merce and finance. This strategic area contains substantial amounts of tech

nology and manufacturing capability (Taiwan), outstanding entrepreneurial,

marketing and services acumen

(Hong Kong), a fine communications net

work (Singapore), a tremendous pool of financial capital (all three), and very

large endowments of land, resources and labor (mainland China)…. From

Guangzhou to Singapore, from Kuala Lumpur to Manila, this influential net

work?often based on extensions of the traditional clans?has been described

as the backbone of the East Asian economy.1

Culture and religion also form the basis of the Economic

Cooperation Organization, which brings together ten non-Arab

Muslim countries: Iran, Pakistan, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan,

Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tadjikistan, Uzbekistan and Afghan istan. One impetus to the revival and expansion of this organization, founded originally in the 1960s by Turkey, Pakistan and Iran, is the realization by the leaders of several of these countries that they had

no chance of admission to the European Community. Similarly,

Caricom, the Central American Common Market and Mercosur rest

1Murray Weidenbaum, Greater China: The Next Economic Superpower?, St. Louis:

Washington University Center for the Study of American Business, Contemporary Issues, Series 57, February 1993, pp. 2-3.

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The Clash of Civilizations?

on common cultural foundations. Efforts to build a broader

Caribbean-Central American economic entity bridging the Anglo Latin divide, however, have to date failed.

As people define their identity in ethnic and religious terms, they are

likely to see an “us” versus “them” relation existing between them

selves and people of different ethnicity or

religion. The end of ideo

logically defined states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet

Union permits traditional ethnic identities and animosities to come

to the fore. Differences in culture and religion create differences over

policy issues, ranging from human rights to immigration to trade and

commerce to the environment. Geographical propinquity gives rise

to conflicting territorial claims from Bosnia to Mindanao. Most

important, the efforts of the West to promote its values of democra

cy and liberalism as universal values, to maintain its military pre dominance and to advance its economic interests engender

countering responses from other civilizations. Decreasingly able to

mobilize support and form coalitions on the basis of ideology, gov ernments and groups will increasingly attempt to mobilize support by

appealing to common

religion and civilization identity. The clash of civilizations thus occurs at two levels. At the micro

level, adjacent groups along the fault lines between civilizations

struggle, often violently, over the control of territory and each other.

At the macro-level, states from different civilizations compete for rel

ative military and economic power, struggle over the control of inter

national institutions and third parties, and competitively promote their particular political and religious values.

THE FAULT LINES BETWEEN CIVILIZATIONS

The fault lines between civilizations are replacing the political and ideological boundaries of the Cold War as the flash points for cri sis and bloodshed. The Cold War began when the Iron Curtain divided Europe politically and ideologically. The Cold War ended

with the end of the Iron Curtain. As the ideological division of

Europe has disappeared, the cultural division of Europe between

Western Christianity, on the one hand, and Orthodox Christianity

FOREIGN AFFAIRS Summer 1993 [29]

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Western

Christianity circa icoo

Orthodox

Christianity and Islam

MILES c^SP^ Source: W. Wallace, THE TRANSFORMATION OF

WESTERN EirROPE. London: Pinter, 1990. Map by lb Ohlsson for FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Samuel P. Huntington

and Islam, on the other, has reemerged. The most significant dividing line in

Europe, as William Wallace has suggested,

may well be the eastern boundary of

Western Christianity in the year 1500. This

line runs along what are now the boundaries

between Finland and Russia and between

the Baltic states and Russia, cuts through Belarus and Ukraine separating the

more

Catholic western Ukraine from Orthodox

eastern Ukraine, swings westward separat

ing Transylvania from the rest of Romania, and then goes through Yugoslavia almost

exactly along the line now

separating Croatia and Slovenia from the rest of

Yugoslavia. In the Balkans this line, of

course, coincides with the historic bound

ary between the Hapsburg and Ottoman

empires. The peoples to the north and west

of this line are Protestant or Catholic; they shared the common experiences of Euro

pean history?feudalism, the Renaissance, the Reformation, the Enlightenment, the

French Revolution, the Industrial Revo

lution; they are

generally economically bet

ter off than the peoples to the east; and they may now look forward to increasing

involvement in a common European

econ

omy and to the consolidation of democrat

ic political systems. The peoples to the east

and south of this line are Orthodox or

Muslim; they historically belonged to the Ottoman or Tsarist empires and

were only

lightly touched by the shaping events in the

rest of Europe; they are

generally less

advanced economically; they seem much

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The Clash of Civilizations?

less likely to develop stable democratic political systems. The Velvet

Curtain of culture has replaced the Iron Curtain of ideology as the

most significant dividing line in Europe. As the events in Yugoslavia show, it is not only

a line of difference; it is also at times a line of

bloody conflict.

Conflict along the fault line between Western and Islamic civi

lizations has been going on for 1,300 years. After the founding of

Islam, the Arab and Moorish surge west and north only ended at

Tours in 732. From the eleventh to the thirteenth century the

Crusaders attempted with temporary success to bring Christianity

and Christian rule to the Holy Land. From the fourteenth to the sev

enteenth century, the Ottoman Turks reversed the balance, extended

their sway over the Middle East and the Balkans, captured

Constantinople, and twice laid siege to Vienna. In the nineteenth and

early twentieth centuries as Ottoman power declined Britain, France,

and Italy established Western control over most of North Africa and

the Middle East. After World War II, the West, in turn, began to retreat; the colo

nial empires disappeared; first Arab nationalism and then Islamic

fundamentalism manifested themselves; the West became heavily

dependent on the Persian Gulf countries for its energy; the oil-rich

Muslim countries became money-rich and, when they wished to,

weapons-rich. Several wars occurred between Arabs and Israel (cre

ated by the West). France fought a

bloody and ruthless war in Algeria for most of the 1950s; British and French forces invaded Egypt in

1956; American forces went into Lebanon in 1958; subsequently American forces returned to Lebanon, attacked Libya, and engaged

in various military encounters with Iran; Arab and Islamic terrorists,

supported by at least three Middle Eastern governments, employed the weapon of the weak and bombed Western planes and installations

and seized Western hostages. This warfare between Arabs and the

West culminated in 1990, when the United States sent a massive army to the Persian Gulf to defend some Arab countries against aggression

by another. In its aftermath nato

planning is increasingly directed to

potential threats and instability along its “southern tier.”

This centuries-old military interaction between the West and

FOREIGN AFFAIRS Summer 1993 [31]

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Samuel P. Huntington

Islam is unlikely to decline. It could become more virulent. The Gulf

War left some Arabs feeling proud that Saddam Hussein had

attacked Israel and stood up to the West. It also left many feeling humiliated and resentful of the West’s military presence in the

Persian Gulf, the West’s overwhelming military dominance, and

their apparent inability to

shape their own

destiny. Many Arab coun

tries, in addition to the oil exporters, are reaching levels of economic

and social development where autocratic forms of government become inappropriate and efforts to introduce democracy become

stronger. Some openings in Arab political systems have already occurred. The principal beneficiaries of these openings have been

Islamist movements. In the Arab world, in short, Western democra

cy strengthens anti-Western political forces. This may be a

passing

phenomenon, but it surely complicates relations between Islamic

countries and the West.

Those relations are also complicated by demography. The spec tacular population growth in Arab countries, particularly in North

Africa, has led to increased migration to Western Europe. The move

ment within Western Europe toward minimizing internal bound

aries has sharpened political sensitivities with respect to this

development. In Italy, France and Germany, racism is increasingly open, and political reactions and violence against Arab and Turkish

migrants have become more intense and more widespread since 1990.

On both sides the interaction between Islam and the West is seen

as a clash of civilizations. The West s “next confrontation,” observes

M. J. Akbar, an Indian Muslim author, “is definitely going to come

from the Muslim world. It is in the sweep of the Islamic nations from

the Maghreb to Pakistan that the struggle for

a new world order will

begin.” Bernard Lewis comes to a similar conclusion:

We are facing a mood and a movement far transcending the level of issues and

policies and the governments that pursue them. This is no less than a clash of

civilizations?the perhaps irrational but surely historic reaction of an ancient

rival against our Judeo-Christian heritage,

our secular present, and the world

wide expansion of both.2

2Bernard Lewis, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” The Atlantic Monthly, vol. 266,

September 1990, p. 60; Time, June 15,1992, pp. 24-28.

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The Clash of Civilizations?

Historically, the other great antagonistic interaction of Arab

Islamic civilization has been with the pagan, animist, and now

increasingly Christian black peoples to the south. In the past, this

antagonism was

epitomized in the image of Arab slave dealers and

black slaves. It has been reflected in the on-going civil war in the

Sudan between Arabs and blacks, the fighting in Chad between

Libyan-supported insurgents and the government, the tensions

between Orthodox Christians and Muslims in the Horn of Africa, and the political conflicts, recurring riots and communal violence

between Muslims and Christians in Nigeria. The modernization of

Africa and the spread of Christianity are

likely to enhance the prob

ability of violence along this fault line. Symptomatic of the inten

sification of this conflict was the Pope John Paul IPs speech in Khartoum in February 1993 attacking the actions of the Sudans

Islamist government against the Christian minority there.

On the northern border of Islam, conflict has increasingly erupt ed between Orthodox and Muslim peoples, including the carnage of

Bosnia and Sarajevo, the simmering violence between Serb and

Albanian, the tenuous relations between Bulgarians and their

Turkish minority, the violence between Ossetians and Ingush, the

unremitting slaughter of each other by Armenians and Az?ris, the

tense relations between Russians and Muslims in Central Asia, and

the deployment of Russian troops to protect Russian interests in the

Caucasus and Central Asia. Religion reinforces the revival of ethnic

identities and restimulates Russian fears about the security of their

southern borders. This concern is well captured by Archie Roosevelt: Much of Russian history

concerns the struggle between the Slavs and the

Turkic peoples on their borders, which dates back to the foundation of the Russian state more than a thousand years ago. In the Slavs* millennium-long confrontation with their eastern neighbors lies the key

to an understanding

not only of Russian history, but Russian character. To understand Russian

realities today one has to have a concept of the great Turkic ethnic group that

has preoccupied Russians through the centuries.3

The conflict of civilizations is deeply rooted elsewhere in Asia.

The historic clash between Muslim and Hindu in the subcontinent

3Archie Roosevelt, For Lust of Knowing, Boston: Little, Brown, 1988, pp. 332-333.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS – Summer 1993 [33]

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Samuel P. Huntington

manifests itself now not only in the rivalry between Pakistan and

India but also in intensifying religious strife within India between

increasingly militant Hindu groups and Indias substantial Muslim

minority. The destruction of the Ayodhya mosque in December 1992

brought to the fore the issue of whether India will remain a secular

democratic state or become a Hindu one. In East Asia, China has

_ outstanding territorial disputes with most of its

neighbors. It has pursued a ruthless policy

toward the Buddhist people of Tibet, and it is

pursuing an

increasingly ruthless policy toward

its Turkic-Muslim minority. With the Cold War over, the underlying differences between

China and th? United States have reasserted

themselves in areas such as human rights, trade

and weapons proliferation. These differences

are unlikely to moderate. A “new cold war,” Deng Xaioping report

edly asserted in 1991, is under way between China and America.

The same phrase has been applied to the increasingly difficult rela

tions between Japan and the United States. Here cultural difference

exacerbates economic conflict. People on each side allege racism

on

the other, but at least on the American side the antipathies are not

racial but cultural. The basic values, attitudes, behavioral patterns of

the two societies could hardly be more different. The economic issues

between the United States and Europe are no less serious than those

between the United States and Japan, but they do not have the same

political salience and emotional intensity because the differences

between American culture and European culture are so much less

than those between American civilization and Japanese civilization.

The interactions between civilizations vary greatly in the extent to

which they are

likely to be characterized by violence. Economic com

petition clearly predominates between the American and European subcivilizations of the West and between both of them and Japan. On

the Eurasian continent, however, the proliferation of ethnic conflict,

epitomized at the extreme in “ethnic cleansing,” has not been totally

random. It has been most frequent and most violent between groups

belonging to different civilizations. In Eurasia the great historic fault

[34] FOREIGN AFFAIRS Volumey2No.3

The crescent-shaped

Islamic bloc, from the

bulge of Africa to

central Asia, has

bloody borders.

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The Clash of Civilizations?

lines between civilizations are once more aflame. This is particularly true along the boundaries of the crescent-shaped Islamic bloc of

nations from the bulge of Africa to central Asia. Violence also occurs

between Muslims, on the one hand, and Orthodox Serbs in the

Balkans, Jews in Israel, Hindus in India, Buddhists in Burma and

Catholics in the Philippines. Islam has bloody borders.

civilization rallying: the kin-country syndrome

Groups or states belonging to one civilization that become in

volved in war with people from a different civilization naturally try to

rally support from other members of their own civilization. As the

post-Cold War world evolves, civilization commonality, what H. D.

S. Greenway has termed the “kin-country” syndrome, is replacing

political ideology and traditional balance of power considerations as

the principal basis for cooperation and coalitions. It can be seen grad

ually emerging in the post-Cold War conflicts in the Persian Gulf, the Caucasus and Bosnia. None of these was a full-scale war between

civilizations, but each involved some elements of civilizational rally

ing, which seemed to become more important as the conflict contin

ued and which may provide a foretaste of the future.

First, in the Gulf War one Arab state invaded another and then

fought a coalition of Arab, Western and other states. While only

a

few Muslim governments overtly supported Saddam Hussein, many Arab elites privately cheered him on, and he was highly popular among large sections of the Arab publics. Islamic fundamentalist

movements universally supported Iraq rather than the Western backed governments of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Forswearing Arab

nationalism, Saddam Hussein explicitly invoked an Islamic appeal. He and his supporters attempted to define the war as a war between

civilizations. “It is not the world against Iraq,” as Safar Al-Hawali,

dean of Islamic Studies at the Umm Al-Qura University in Mecca,

put it in a widely circulated tape. “It is the West against Islam.”

Ignoring the rivalry between Iran and Iraq, the chief Iranian religious leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, called for a holy

war against the

West: “The struggle against American aggression, greed, plans and

FOREIGN AFFAIRS – Summer 1993 [35]

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Samuel P. Huntington

policies will be counted as a

jihad, and anybody who is killed on that

path is a

martyr.” “This is a war,” King Hussein of Jordan argued,

“against all Arabs and all Muslims and not against Iraq alone.”

The rallying of substantial sections of Arab elites and publics behind Saddam Hussein caused those Arab governments in the anti

Iraq coalition to moderate their activities and temper their public statements. Arab governments opposed

or distanced themselves from

subsequent Western efforts to apply pressure on

Iraq, including enforcement of a no-fly

zone in the summer of 1992 and the bomb

ing of Iraq in January 1993. The Western-Soviet-Turkish-Arab anti

Iraq coalition of 1990 had by 1993 become a coalition of almost only

the West and Kuwait against Iraq. Muslims contrasted Western actions against Iraq with the West’s

failure to protect Bosnians against Serbs and to impose sanctions on

Israel for violating U.N. resolutions. The West, they alleged, was

using a double standard. A world of clashing civilizations, however,

is inevitably a world of double standards: people apply

one standard

to their kin-countries and a different standard to others.